ზვიად გამსახურდია

ნოემბერი 4, 2016

ზვიად გამსახურდია ბათუმის უნივერსიტეტში

სექტემბერი 12, 2015

ზვიად გამსახურდიას კომენტარი ე.წ. “სამხრეთ ოსეთის” შესახებ (1991 წ)

80850

1991 წლის 23თებერვალი, ამონარიდი ზვიად გამსახურდიას პრესკონფერენციიდან, რომელიც უცხოელი ჟურნალისტებისთვის გაიმართა.  საქართველოს უზენაესი საბჭოს თავმჯდომარეს დაუსვეს კითხვა სამხრეთ ოსეთის საკითხთან დაკავშირებით.

ჟურნალისტის კითხვა:

ბატონო ზვიად, გაზეთ „იზვესტიაში“ გამოქვეყნდა საკავშირო უმაღლესი საბჭოს დადგენილება სამხრეთ ოსეთთან დაკავშრებით. თუ შეიძლება რამდენიმე სიტყვა და კიდევ ერთიც, საკავშირო პარლამენტსა და რუსეთის პარლამენტს შორის ამ საკითხთან დაკავშირებით სხვაობაა…

– მოგახსენებთ, ეს დადგენილება არის ყოვლად არაკომპეტენტური და უკანონო, ვინაიდან საგანგებო წესების გამოცხადება სამაჩაბლოს მთელ ტერიტორიაზე არ წყვეტს ცხინვალის პრობლემას, არ წყვეტს ოსი ექსტრემისტების ალაგმვის პრობლემას. ეს იქნება მიმართული ქართველი ერის წინააღმდეგ. ეს იქნება განმტკიცება ოსი ექსტრემისტების პოზიციებისა.

გარდა ამისა, ამან შეიძლება გამოიწვიოს კონფლიქტის ესკალაცია მთელს საქართველოში, სადაც კი ოსები სახლობენ. მოგეხსენებათ, ასეთი რაიონები ძალზე ბევრია. ჩვენ ეს ვუთხარით აქ ჩამოსულ მინისტრთა საბჭოს თავმჯდომარის მოადგილე ვორონინს. ყველაფერი ეს ავუხსენით, დავუსაბუთეთ, იგი, თითქოსდა მართლაც შეფიქრიანდა, მაგრამ ამის შემდეგ რა პოზიციას დაიჭერენ, არ ვიცით.

ის წავიდა შემდეგ ცხინვალში და ახლა ისევ მოსკოვში გადაფრინდა. მაგრამ, მთავარი, რაც ჩვენ უნდა ვიცოდეთ, და სჯობია ვიცოდეთ სიმართლე, ვიდრე თავი მოვიტყუოთ, ისაა, რომ ე.წ. სამხრეთ ოსეთის კონფლიქტი არის სინამდვილეში ცენტრისა და ოსი ექსტრემისტების ომი საქართველოს წინააღმდეგ. ეს არავითარი ეთნიკური კონფლიქტი არ არის..

ესაა ცენტრის სადამსჯელო ოპერაცია, რომელიც მიზნად ისახავს მთელი ტერიტორიის ჩამოცილებას საქართველოდან. ეს უკვე იგეგმება. აი, ახლა მოგვივიდა წინადადება, რომ სამ დღეში შემოვიღოთ საგანგებო მდგომარეობა.

ჩვენ ამას, რასაკვირველია, არ გავაკეთებთ, ამის შემდეგ, ალბათ, პრეზიდენტის ბრძანებულება გამოვა, რომელიც ჩვენს გარეშე შემოიღებს საგანგებო მდგომარეობას და როგორც ეს ყარაბაღში მოხდა, მოახდენს მთელი ამ ტერიტორიის იზოლირებას საქართველოსაგან.

ეს იმას ნიშნავს, რომ მთელი ეს ტერიტორია დაკარგული იქნება საქართველოსათვის. აი, მიზანი ცენტრისა, რომელისთვისაც იგი იბრძვის ყოველნაირი საშუალებებით. მოხდა დეზინფორმირება საზოგადოების გარკვეული ნაწილისა. ეს იქნება, რასაკვირველია, კატასტროფული შედეგი. ჩვენ, რა თქმა უნდა, ამას პასუხის გარეშე არ დავტოვებთ. იქნება ქართველი ერის ძალზე მწვავე რეაქცია.

ვიმეორებ, ცენტრის გეგმაა სამაჩაბლოს ჩამოცილება საქართველოდან. აი, ესაა მათი მთავარი მიზანი. რაც შეეხება საბჭოთა კავშირის უზენაეს საბჭოს, იქ რა ძალები ბატონობენ, ეს ყველასათვის კარგადაა ცნობილი და ისინი ამ იმპერიალისტურ კურსს ემორჩილებიან, რასაკვირველია, მას უჭერენ მხარს. მაგრამ აი, რუსეთის უზენაესი საბჭოს გარკვეული ნაწილი ხედავს ამ უსამართლობას და ჩვენ უფრო გვიჭერს მხარს. გუშინ იყო, მაგალითად, ოსების მიერ მოწყობილი პრესკონფერენცია მოსკოვში. აწყობდა გენერალი ცაგოლოვი. იგი ექსტრემისტების ლიდერია, რომელიც ახლა პროფესორად შეინიღბა, მოუშვა წვერი ლევ ტოლსტოის მსგავსად.

ეს არის ტერორისტული ბანდების მეთაური, რომელიც დივერსანტებს აგზავნის სამაჩაბლოში. მოსკოვში იგი ცდილობს დიდი მშვიდობის მქადაგებლის როლში გამოსვლას, მაგრამ იქ ჩავიდნენ ოსი ლტოლვილები სამაჩაბლოდან და ეს პრესკონფერენცია ფაქტობრივად ჩაშალეს.ამხილეს იქვე ცაგალოვი და მისი ბანდა და მათ ვერ შეძლეს საზოგადოების მოტყუება. ამით აიხსნება ის, რომ გუშინ „ვრემია“ შედარებით ჩუმად იყო ამ საკითხზე და პრესაც ასე თუ ისე კორექტულად იქცევა. მაგრამ ეს, რასაკვირველია, არ აინტერესებს ცენტრს. ცენტრს აქვს მიზანი. ცენტრის მიზანია ჩვენი დასჯა.

ჩვენი დასჯა იმისათვის, რომ ჩვენ დამოუკიდებლობისათვის ვიბრძვით და არ ვაწერთ ხელს სამოკავშირეო ხელშეკრულებაზე. და აი, ამისათვის იყენებს ცენტრი სამაჩაბლოს. ასეთია მდგომარეობა.

წყარო

სექტემბერი 21, 2014

ზვიად გამსახურდიას პასუხი ანდრეი სახაროვს

Answer of Zviad Gamsakhurdia to Andrej Sacharov

Answer of Zviad Gamsakhurdia to Andrej Sacharov

ივლისი 22, 2014

ზვიად გამსახურდიას წერილი მართმადიდებელ მეგობარს

აპრილი 26, 2011

პრეზიდენტების, ზვიად გამსახურდიასა და ჯოხარ დუდაევის პრესკონფერენცია 18/02/1992 (ვიდეო)



Press Conference of Presidents: Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Dzhokhar Dudayev 18/02/1992

Пресконференция президентов Звиада Гамсахурдиа и Джохара Дудаева 18/02/1992

აპრილი 16, 2011

Президент Республики Грузия Звиад Гамсахурдиа – Открытое письмо Эдуарду Шеварднадзе

 

  “უსამართლო ძლიერებას საუკუნო არ აქვს ძალი

უძლეველი საბოლოოდ არის მხოლოდ სამართალი“

აკაკი წერეთელი

усамартло дзлиеребас саукуно ар аквс дзали

уздлевели саболоод арис мхолод самартали.

(Несправедливая сила  властвует не вечно,  

а справедливость все равно в итоге побеждает)

Акакий Церетели

Я решил обратиться к вам письменно, так как многое в наших отношениях нуждается в определенности, как для грузинского народа, так  и для всего мира. Это письмо не ставит своей целью ваше оскорбление как личности, оно только отражает объективную реальность.

Я считаю, то, что происходило в Грузии во время вашего правления в советский период, в несколько измененном виде продолжается и сейчас и отражает отношения между Грузией и имперским Центром, который поручил вам функцию жандарма Грузии. Поэтому я хотел бы вам напомнить все  в мельчайших деталях и ознакомить вас с моими выводами. Готов так же выслушать ваши контраргументы. Выводы  же пусть народ и общество сделают сами.

Не смотря на то, что  я с вами познакомился еще в 60-х годах, первая наша деловая встреча произошла в 1970 году. В то время вы были министром внутренних дел Грузии и представляли себя как друга и доброжелателя моего отца, Константина Гамсахурдиа.

Поэтому я позволил себе придти к вам и обратиться за помощью, когда перед Новым годом мой отец получил анонимное письмо от «русских и армянских нацистов», в котором моему отцу и даже всему грузинскому народу угрожали физическим уничтожением. Письмо было написано угловатыми грузинскими буквами. В этом письме были написано, что грузинская нация стоит на пути вырождения и уничтожения, что Восточная Грузия должна перейти к Армении и Азербайджану, а Западная Грузия к России. Константин Гамсахурдиа как народный деятель был преградой на пути у этих «нацистов» и поэтому ему угрожали смертью. В письме была даже такая фраза: «Ждем той минуты, когда начнем проливать грузинскую кровь. Уничтожение начнем  с молодежи».

Я долго пытался добиться встречи с вами, но все безрезультатно. Ваша приемная не отвечала. То у вас было важное совещание, то вы в район уехали. Похоже, что вы уже знали, по какому вопросу я хотел обратиться. В конце концов, я связался с вами через аппарат Союза писателей, и вы меня приняли. Вы прочитали письмо, выразили свое возмущение и поручили расследовать это дело одному из следователей МВД. К тому же сказали, что бы я обратился к вам дней через десять. В то же время у меня вызвало изумление то, что присутствовать при нашем разговоре вы позвали бывшего главу отдела расследований милиции города (фамилию намеренно не называю), который чуть не лишил жизни меня и Мераба Костава в 1959 году, когда мы сидели в следственном изоляторе, руками убийц-рецидивистов. Вот такой символический «ответ» вы дали мне на мое законное требование провести расследование и выявить авторов анонимного письма. Таким образом, вы, похоже, выразили свою позицию. Ясно, что вы ничего не расследовали и вообще «замяли» это дело. Многие из  угроз тех «нацистов» постепенно стали реальностью в последующие годы и, особенно в последний год во время кровавых событий произошедших в Грузии. Но об этом мы поговорим ниже, но сейчас вернемся к нашим взаимоотношениям.

Во времена  коррупции и безнаказанности  при Мжаванадзе, общество искало выход из сложившейся ситуации. Вы заявляли, что будете бороться против зла принципиально и честно, поможете грузинской культуре, покончите с торжеством мафии (естественно, что о независимости Грузии и полной свободе в то время никто и не мечтал). Поэтому многие приветствовали ваш приход  во власть в 1972 году.  И я тоже надеялся, не смотря на то, что был диссидентом и был врагом советской системы. Впрочем, сейчас вижу, что это было от молодости и неопытности, и я просто не до конца понимал, что такое коммунистическая демагогия. Разве трудно было увидеть, что знамя борьбы с коррупцией поднял руководитель самого коррумпированного министерства, и что Политбюро всегда назначало руководителями национальных республик только особо проверенных карьеристов и коллаборационистов-русификаторов.

Оказывается, даже Мжаванадзе был по сравнению с вами «националистом», так как он (по слабости своей, а не из за патриотичности) не смог объявить войну собственному народу, его языку и культуре, его самосознанию.

Поэтому и было особо отмечено в известном постановлении Политбюро о «националистических перегибах» во время его правления. После вашего прихода во власть быстро рассеялись иллюзии, что вам якобы нужна была коммунистическая и русофильская маска для того, что бы обманывать Москву, а в это время делать что-то для спасения национального самосознания. Вы начали русификацию в таком масштабе, которой не довелось испытать нашей многострадальной Грузии даже в самые темные годы царизма. Вы изгнали грузинский язык из всех госучреждений, а русский язык сделали фактически государственным. Началась компания по борьбе с любыми проявлениями национального духа, даже дискуссии на исторические темы объявлялись «национализмом». А ваши писатели и режиссеры занялись  активной фальсификацией истории. Они объявляли присоединение Грузии к России как однозначно прогрессивное событие, учили «советскому патриотизму», пропагандировали смешанные браки.

Под знаменем «интернационализации»  началось невиданное ущемление грузинского населения и на селе и в городе с одновременным появлением привилегированного положения у негрузинского населения. Началась борьба с «вредными традициями»(!), что фактически означало борьбу с религиозными обрядами. Параллельно внедрялись коммунистические «праздники», на которых ничего кроме бездуховности и обжорства  не происходило.  Это были новые ритуалы, новой советской, коммунистической «религии».

Сегодня вас, приехавшего по приглашению криминально-террористической хунты в Грузию, часто видят в церквях  в окружении ваших партократов, где вы иногда зажигаете свечи. Наши потомки должны знать, каким было ваше настоящее отношение к грузинской церкви; как ей управлял ваш назначенец, как вы старались превратить церковь в обычный филиал КГБ, как притесняли ваши комсомольцы верующую молодежь.  Особенно во время Пасхи.  Они заводили молодежь посмевшую придти на Пасху в церковь в специально для этого открытых рядом «штабах». В этих «штабах» их терроризировали, «обрабатывали», брали на учет. После этого начинались репрессии – исключение из вузов, угрозы родителям и т.д. Вы начали переделывать церкви в театры, концертные залы. Так, например, был упразднен Шиомгвимский  монастырь в 1980 году. Вы заперли в здании монастыря его настоятеля, пожилого человека, не желавшего покидать монастырь, который из за этого чуть не умер. Наши потомки должны знать, как много служителей церкви попали под террор КГБ, как вы способствовали военным ЗакВО, которые, проводя учения рядом с нашими уникальными святынями – монастырями Давид Гареджи и Гелати постепенно уничтожали их, что так же входило в планы империи.

Всем известно как вы постепенно прибавляли в учебных программах количество часов на изучение русского языка, при этом, сокращая часы на изучение грузинского языка, как запрещали изучение истории Грузии, как собирались в 1976 году провести русификацию вузов, преподавание основных предметов на русском языке, что вызвало возмущение сознательной части нашего общества.

В это же время вы активнее всех поддержали брежневскую гигантоманию, строительство огромных ГЭС и заводов, что было фактически войной против экологии и в конечном итоге имело целью осуществить геноцид народа. Это так же ускоряло ассимиляцию грузинского народа, так как со снабжением кадрами таких больших строительств не справлялась не только маленькая Грузия, но даже такие большие республики как Казахстан и Украина.

Вы были инициатором строительства  злосчастного рокского туннеля. Результаты этого строительства мы видим сегодня, когда потеряны Шида Картли и Самачабло.

Вы согласно инструкциям Суслова делали все, что бы в Абхазии усилились сепаратистские настроения, и при необходимости был подготовлен кровавый этноконфликт.

Начатая вами компания по борьбе с негативными явлениями, показушная борьба с коррупцией, затронула только низкие и средние слои, а крупная «взяточная элита» осталась неприкасаемой.

В то время как коррумпированная мафия Хабеишвили и Мгеладзе крутила миллионы, часть которых посылалась в Политбюро, вы бросали в тюрьмы и ссылали в Сибирь

тысячи простых людей, которые  обвешивали в магазинах или совершали  другие мелкие преступления.

Как заметил один поэт, в ваше время вор, укравший верблюда, судил вора, укравшего иголку, а вы этих воров верблюдов награждали постами и привилегиями. В тюрьмах вы внедрили невиданные садистские методы. В вами специально созданном втором корпусе садисты следователи и  их агенты замучили и убили сотни людей ради вымогательства показаний и денег, покалечили судьбы тысяч семей (дело Цирекидзе-Усупяна, дело Фролова, оперное дело и др.). Сегодня многие из тех следователей-садистов работают на тех же местах – наверное, вы дадите им новую нагрузку.

Параллельно с «борьбой  «негативными явлениями» вы сами сеяли криминальную практику в производственной и хозяйственной деятельности. Завезенный по вашей инициативе в Кахетию сахар с целью фальсификации вина, нанес вред престижу грузинского виноделия. Зато подобная фальсификация и приписки помогли получить вам орден героя социалистического труда, переходящие знамена и открыли дорогу в Кремль.

В те годы моральная деградация общества особенно ускорилась по той причине, потому что вы главным условием получения должностей и поездок за границу ставили участие людей в агентурной деятельности КГБ. В результате этого значительная часть грузинской интеллигенции, молодежи и священнослужителей была втянута в агентуру КГБ. Вообще количество агентов КГБ за время вашего правления достигло рекордного числа, и этот процесс вы называли «социализацией личности». Видимо вы поставили себе цель поставить на службу этой темной организации очень большую часть общества.

Вы поставили в центре Тбилиси огромный памятник предателю Орджоникидзе, а в Озургети поставили памятник Филиппу Махарадзе – организатору убийства  Илии Чавчавадзе, всячески рекламировали коммунистические культы –  братоубийство и ренегатство. А по количеству памятников Ленину Грузия вообще опередила все республики СССР. Вы даже скрытно поддерживали культ Сталина, так как официально Сталин был осужден. Вы не раз говорили в своем кругу, что Сталин для вас является учителем, что вы не раз доказывали делом на каждом шагу. В то же время памятников в Грузии не удостоились Давид Строитель, царица Тамара, Георгий Блистательный и множество других выдающихся исторических личностей.

В СССР и во все мире вы слово «грузин» превратили в синоним казнокрада, взяточника, спекулянта, в то время как коррупция и спекуляция в других регионах империи была ничуть не меньше, чем в Грузии. Вы боролись с истинными национальными писателями и учеными, но зато возвеличили псевдо литературу «муртало-кукарачей» и «жареных мизинцев», лживую культуру и антинациональную науку.

Вы жестко преследовали не только диссидентское движение, но даже малейшее устремление к свободе, и на это  я должен особенно обратить внимание.

В 1976 году вы расстреляли грузинского патриота Владимира Жвания, борца за независимость Грузии, который устроил протестные взрывы  перед домом правительства в Тбилиси, а так же в Кутаиси и в Сухуми. В 1983 году по вашему приказу убили, замучив пытками в тбилисской психиатрической больнице журналистку Нази Шаманаури, которая разоблачала вашу мафию.

В 1983 году вы расстреляли молодых участников известного «самолетного дела», хотя в других республиках за это не присуждали смертной казни.

Вместе с ними вы расстреляли невинного священника Теодора Чихладзе, якобы он был «идейным руководителем» захвата самолета, но на самом деле за то, что он не хотел быть агентом КГБ.

Такое положение Грузии, ваши драконовские репрессии, антигрузинские и антидемократические действия вызвали протестное движение, во главе которого встали я и Мераб Костава. Какое то время мы пытались параллельно  с  подпольной деятельностью высказывать открыто свое мнение, не смотря на то, что редакции газет и журналов были закрыты для нас. Мы писали статьи, письма о грузинском языке, о памятниках культуры Грузии, о состоянии грузинской церкви. Принять нас вы всегда отказывались, а на наши заявления у вас не было никакой реакции, кроме той, что в своих выступлениях вы называли нас антисоветскими демагогами, предателями Родины (понятно, что вы имели в виду социалистическую Родину, так как в другую Родину вы никогда не верили и сейчас не верите). В итоге мы перешли полностью в подполье, завязали тесные контакты с демократическим движением в других регионах СССР, так как тогда наша борьба имела одни общие цели.

За этим последовало преследование нас со стороны  КГБ – вызовы, обыски,  задержания. Потом  против нас развязалась компания в прессе и на телевидении, и в 1977 году нас арестовали. Застенки КГБ для нас на ваш взгляд были недостаточны, и вы нас отправили в психушку: меня в Москву в «институт» палачей-психиатров имени Сербского, а Мераба Костава в Тбилиси, в  психиатрическое отделение ортачальской тюрьмы. Вы хотели объявить нас сумасшедшими за то, что мы говорили правду и разоблачали ваш драконовский режим.

Нас спасло только осуждение советской карательной психиатрии на всемирном конгрессе психиатров в Гонолулу, а так же протест французских психиатров. Иначе нас бы уничтожили в итоге в днепропетровской психиатрической тюрьме.

Во время моего заключения в КГБ меня шантажировали, угрожали объявить меня американским шпионом, осудить как предателя Родины, угрожали уничтожением членов моей семьи, расстрелом ожидаемых молодежных демонстраций. А во время заключения в Москве эмисары Суслова угрожали отсоединить от Грузии Абхазию в том случае, если я не прекращу свою деятельность и не покаюсь в содеянном. Мою супругу, мать грудного ребенка, находящуюся в декретном отпуске вы уволили с работы, чего не делали даже Гитлер и Сталин. Сегодня ваши агенты искажают суть моего «покаяния», используют его для моей дискредитации, как будто они не знали реальной ситуации. Поэтому я считаю нужным еще раз разъяснить мое тактическое отступление на суде в 1978 году.

После нашего ареста национально-освободительному движению угрожало уничтожение. На свободе не осталось ни одного, кто мог бы быть мостом для связи с западными странами. Не осталось серьезных организаторов самиздата и подпольных организаций. В итоге я и Мераб Костава договорились, что я «покаюсь» за некоторые свои действия, выйду из тюрьмы и продолжу свою деятельность. Сохраню самиздат, сохраню информационный мост с Западом. А Мераб Костава взял на себя ношу и  сам решил остаться в тюрьме, но сделал письменное заявление, что мое «покаяние» было продиктовано только интересами нашего общего дела. Я вынес это заявление из тюрьмы, но не публиковал его, так как не хотел нанести вреда своему другу, который оставался в тюрьме. После освобождения он сам опубликовал его в 1987 году в пятом номере московского журнала «Гласность» (редактор Григорян). Такого же содержания письмо он в том же году из ксанской колонии послал Елене Боннэр, что бы она передала  его Сахарову, который был в ссылке.

Но  поразительно! Сегодня вы и ваши подельники называете мое тактическое отступление предательством, как будто вы обладаете моральным авторитетом больше чем Мераб Костава и вообще являетесь лидерами национально-освободительной борьбы!

Но вас по совсем другим причинам так беспокоит мое «покаяние». Дело в том, что если бы не случилось моего «покаяние» и выхода из тюрьмы, не случилось бы такого подъема национально-освободительного движения, не было бы 9 апреля, и не было бы конца власти империи 28 октября 1990 года, в виде демократических выборов. Поэтому вы никак не можете успокоиться, вспоминая мое «покаяние» и у вас до сих от злости  сводит челюсти.

После меня выселили в ногайскую полупустыню, где грузинские пастухи спасли меня от гибели от холода и голода. Когда же я вернулся в Грузию ваши подельники распространили обо мне грязные сплетни, якобы я был ваш агент, во что часть общества поверила. Эту ложь часто повторяли Чантурия и другие предатели пока сами не проявили себя как ваши агенты. К тому же общество увидело, что снова только я был тем человеком, который информировал мировую общественность о событиях в Грузии, продолжал выпускать самиздат, устраивать акции протеста вместе со своими молодыми товарищами. Вскоре вы смогли и эту молодежь оторвать от меня и из некоторых даже сделали моих врагов с помощью адской машины КГБ. Кроме того, все видели, что самым большим преследованиям подвергался именно я, но арестовывать повторно вы меня пока не посмели, так как за границей мое имя уже стало достаточно известным.

Да, но вы и ваши подельники скажете, что я говорю о Шеварднадзе в прошлом, но сегодня он уже не тот, кем был. Шеварднадзе стал демократом. Он же один из авторов «перестройки», кроме того, он признал свои прошлые ошибки, вышел из компартии. Не надо вспоминать его прошлого, говорите о его настоящем. Теперь он добрый и порядочный.

Давайте рассмотрим вашу деятельность после «перестройки». Действительно вы и Горбачев были вынуждены по разным причинам начать некоторую либерализацию, но не смотря на освобождение политзаключенных и реабилитацию русских диссидентов, продолжалось преследование грузинских диссидентов и попытки их изоляции от общества. Против меня в советской прессе продолжалась компания вплоть до 1989 года, но и это не остановило рост освободительного движения в Грузии, кульминацией которого было 9 апреля, когда вы и Горбачев в последний раз попытались уничтожить освободительное движение грубой военной силой. Характерно то, что вас одного из авторов карательной операции, прислали в Грузию отменить комендантский час (впрочем, сегодня после путча устроенного Москвой вы объявили комендантский час, конца которому пока не видно и отменять который вы не собираетесь).

В Грузии в 1990 году победила демократия, были проведены первые на территории СССР свободные многопартийные выборы, которые для вас и ваших партийных соратников закончились полным  крахом. С тех пор вы заложили в вашем сердце жажду реванша и сделали все для того, что бы уничтожить это достижение народа, и вы достигли таки этого при активной помощи имперских сил.

Для вида вы даже поздравили меня по телевидению с победой на выборах, но, на сколько искренним было это поздравление показали последующие события. В Москве вы создали штаб, в котором объединили всех сбежавших из Грузии ренегатов-партократов и начали беспрецедентную информационную кампанию по всему миру против новых властей Грузии и лично против меня.  Вместе с подкупленными вами бывшими диссидентами и предателями национально-освободительного движения вы доказывали всему миру, что в Грузии установился тоталитарный режим, фашистская диктатура, которую надо обязательно свергнуть.

О какой диктатуре можно говорить, когда издавалось до 20 оппозиционных газет, по телевидению запрещалось только призывать к силовому свержению власти, свободно существовали даже незаконные вооруженные формирования и партии. Мы арестовали только тех людей, которые совершали конкретные криминальные преступления, занимались бандитизмом, перекрытием улиц баррикадами, совершили попытку захвата телевидения.

Вы использовали образовавшийся между советской империей и Западом альянс ради уничтожения своей же страны, для ускорения ее «ливанизации», для подготовки кровавого путча и переворота. С вашей подачи против нас начала работать огромная пропагандистская машина Кремля, против которой наши информационные возможности оказались бессильными. Параллельно Кремль усиливал созданную им в Грузии вооруженную «оппозицию» и союзные им криминальные банды, которые вооружал с удивительной интенсивностью. И когда мы заставили работать закон, то вы начали кричать о политических репрессиях. В то же время вы и Горбачев всячески поддерживали осетинских сепаратистов, что позволяло обострять конфликт в Шида Картли и было лучшим поводом для ввода войск и  очередной  аннексии Грузии.

Вы все время натягивали на себя маску и делали вид, что не имеете никакого отношения к этим событиям. Вы даже пальцем не пошевелили для того, что бы оградить Грузию от этой опасности.  Напомню вам только один телефонный разговор, который был между нами летом 1991 года, когда Горбачев решил ввести чрезвычайное положение на всей территории Шида Картли, что означало бы вновь оккупацию Грузии. Тогда я все еще надеялся, что вы сжалитесь над своей страной, и мы получим от вас хотя бы правильную информацию об этой ужасной угрозе. Когда я связался с вами по телефону, вы сказали, что мне следовало бы позвонить Горбачеву и попросить его отменить решение о чрезвычайном положении. А это означало, что Горбачев бы потребовал взамен подписания нового союзного договора, поэтому естественно я не позвонил ему. Потом я попросил вас помочь Грузии в выходе из СССР, к тому же я вам напомнил, что у вас кроме Родины ничего не остается и пора бы подумать о ее будущем. «Оставьте меня в покое. Я простой пенсионер и не надо требовать у меня того, чего я не могу сделать» – таков был ваш ответ. Я спросил так же вас, отдали ли вы свой голос за независимость Грузии на референдуме 31 марта 1990 года, на что вы ответили мне молчанием. А сейчас уже всем известно, что вы приняли участие только в одном, так называемом союзном референдуме – 17 марта и дали свой голос за сохранение СССР, а 31 марта о Грузии и ее независимости даже не вспомнили.

Но все-таки ваше самое большое преступление это подготовка и осуществление криминальной революции в Грузии, прецедента, подобного которому еще не было в истории.

Вы, будучи, когда-то  вроде бы борцом с преступностью связались с преступным миром и с его помощью устроили переворот в Грузии. Представитель преступного мира Джаба Иоселиани со своим «мхедриони» и Тенгиз Китовани со своей криминальной «гвардией», которая изменила законной власти,  до сих пор являются вашей опорой. Созданная вами криминальная хунта при помощи войск ЗакВО совершила в Грузии то же, что делали  орды Мурвана Глухого, Джалаледина, Темурленга, шах Аббаса и Ага Махмада. В хунту вместе с криминалами вошли мафиозные партократы и представители  привилегированной вами коммунистической интеллигенции. Той самой интеллигенции, на которую вы сегодня опираетесь, и с помощью которой вы собираетесь «строить» будущее.

Под диктатом выпущенных по вашей «амнистии» из тюрем и колоний четырех  тысяч криминалов находится сегодня вся милиция и прокуратура, все правоохранительные органы, которые способствуют им в совершении новых преступлений.

По вашему поручению и поручению этих криминалов прокуратура сочиняет «дела» против меня, а против настоящих бандитов дела прекращены и даже объявлена их полная реабилитация.

Из заключения выпустили кровного врага грузинского народа Т. Кулумбегова, что вызвало новую волну сепаратистско-террористического движения в так называемой Южной Осетии и что оторвало от Грузии Шида Картли.

Ваша хунта с первого же дня разгоняла и разгоняет мирные протестные митинги и демонстрации. В Грузии, в январе-феврале криминалы из «мхедриони» и «гвардии» убили и ранили сотни демонстрантов, и позже министерству здравоохранения было запрещено называть фамилии погибших. Но помните, что эти фамилии все равно всем известны и рано или поздно с вас всех потребуют ответа за это.

Ваша хунта устроила в Грузии братоубийственную войну, и что самое страшное довела вражду между различными уголками Грузии до невиданных размеров. Для «похода» на Поти, Сенаки и Зугдиди вы посылаете гурийцев, имеретинцев и кахетинцев, как будто завоевываете чужую страну, грабите население. А когда население Зугдиди освободило город от банд «мхедриони»  и «гвардии» и даже взяло в плен многих из них, в отместку за это в Тбилиси сожгли дом-музей Константина Гамсахурдиа, как будто он является только достоянием одной  Мегрелии.  Когда жительницы Зугдиди, пятьдесят матерей с портретами убитых сыновей  вышли на демонстрацию ваши «вооруженные силы»  зверски разогнали их, жестоко избили, а портреты сыновей рвали, одевая им на голову.

Вот подтверждение вашего «гуманизма», «патриотизма» и  «демократии».

Сегодня через московские СМИ идет ваше рекламирование как политика, который сыграл решающую роль в позитивных процессах произошедших в мире. Ваши заявления, что вы начали перестройку, освободили Восточную Европу и страны Балтии, объединили Германию, являются слишком завышенной оценкой вашей личной роли.

Это в первую очередь заслуга Рональда Рейгана, СОИ, и вообще западной политики по отношению к СССР, а так же заслуга и победа диссидентского движения в СССР.  Именно это все заставило пойти Горбачева на большие уступки. Вы и Горбачев фактически только сдались перед силой и подписались под своей капитуляцией, что не говорит о какой либо дипломатической победе.

Смешно сегодня слушать, когда вы заявляете, что это все вы сделали для того, что бы Грузия получила независимость. Если бы вы хотели независимости Грузии, то будучи министром иностранных дел,  вы бы не боролись  так самоотверженно ради сохранения СССР, не вернулись бы по своей воле снова на пост министра иностранных дел и не заявляли бы что необходимо спасать Родину (т.е. СССР). Если бы вы были сторонником независимости Грузии, то приняли бы участие в референдуме 31 марта 1990 года. А так же за время своих дипломатических визитов хоть бы раз сказали, что являетесь грузином и что Грузия, оккупированная страна и борется за независимость, но вы никогда не считали себя за грузина, так как всегда были «гомо советикусом», что вы сами признали в интервью газете «Кариере де ла сера».

Смешно так же утверждать, что кредит в 10 миллионов марок,  привезенный вашим другом Геншером, пойдет на «усиление демократических институтов», как заявил ваш союзник останкинский дезинформцентр. Всем известно, какие это «институты» – «мхедриони» и «гвардия», «Военный Совет» или хунта, которые огнем и мечом уничтожают демократию в Грузии, грабят население, что превратило Грузию в одну из самых отсталых в экономическом смысле стран, в которой люди уже умирают от голода. Что касается признания многими странами незаконного режима, то это результат искусства вашей демагогии и дезинформации, и поддержки вас империей.

Но запомните: сначала собственный народ должен вас признать, иначе грош цена признанию вас иностранными государствами. Примечательно, что те страны, которые признали законные власти до переворота, не собираются признавать ваш незаконный режим, а грузинский народ вас не признает вообще никогда.

Всем известно, что сегодня в Грузии благодаря вам произошла практически легализация наркобизнеса. Наркомания стала открытой почти официальной практикой, так как ваша опора, «мхедриони» и «гвардия» почти полностью состоят из наркоманов.

Каждому из них каждый день нужны тысячи рублей на наркотики, в результате чего грабится население Грузии, угоняются тысячи автомобилей, и продаются за пределами страны совершенно легально.  Так разграбили Тбилиси, Кутаиси, Зугдиди, Поти, Сенаки и другие города. Сейчас же после ограбления грузинского населения, принялись за грабеж негрузинского населения, что создает угрозу новых этноконфликтов.

Даба Казбеги, Родина нашего великого писателя Александра Казбеги превращена в центр наркобизнеса, во второй Гонконг, мост наркобизнеса между Азией и Европой.

В связи с этим всем расхищается государственная казна и невозможно выдавать пенсии, зарплаты, гонорары. Хотя путчисты все равно получают премии за свои кровавые преступления как «борцы за демократию». Вот достижения вашей «демократии».

Вы видите, что только  с помощью «мхедриони» и «гвардии» вы не в состоянии подчинить себе народ и поэтому включили в военные операции оккупационные войска СНГ, которые сегодня вместе с войсками хунты расположились у села Рухи и готовы ворваться в Абхазию, что бы развязать там новый этноконфликт.

23 марта на станции Самтредиа из эшелона выгрузили вашу «гвардию» и «ее бронетехнику», полную русскими солдатами, которые отправились в сторону Цхенисцкали для проведения карательной операции. Вертолеты СНГ кружат над Цаленджихой и расстреливают всех кого считают подозрительным. Ими уничтожен прекрасный курорт Скури. Так что вы начинаете  в Грузии новую афганскую войну, и не думайте, что мир ослеп и не видит этого.

Параллельно с формированием «демократических  институтов» вы хотите устроить в Грузии террор подобный тому, что был в 1937 году. Продолжаются аресты, фальсификации и подлог, что является вашим почерком.

По ложным обвинениям арестованы глава бюджетного комитета парламента Тариэл Гелантия,(раненный 6 пулями и умирающий в тюрьме), министр финансов Гурам Апсандзе, глава комитета по этике парламента Бидзина Дангадзе и депутат Вахтанг Читава. Долго пытали в тюрьме депутата от Кутаиси Фируза Диаконидзе, члена хельсинкского союза.

Сейчас вы ввели новый метод разгона митингов – забивание людей до смерти и ранения ножами. Ваши криминалы особенно бесчеловечно ведут себя с женщинами и пожилыми людьми. Скоро, наверное, весь женский род  будет объявлен вами врагом из за их непримиримости.

Вы автор, «перестройки» и «гласности» уничтожили в Грузии всякую гласность, оказываете жесточайшее давление на прессу и телевидение, запрещаете любые свободные издания. У главного редактора единственной оставшейся независимой газеты «Иберия-спектр» Ираклия Гоциридзе вы убили сына, замечательного художника Георгия Гоциридзе и теперь угрожаете уничтожением другого его сына.

30 марта этого года, когда по московскому телевидению должны были передать мое интервью, вы вообще отключили в Грузии первый московский канал. Вот это и есть ваша демократия и гласность? Почему вы не показываете по телевидению все, что происходит в Грузии за последние четыре месяца? Почему не показываете разрушенный и сожженный вашими орудиями и ракетами Тбилиси, расстрел мирных демонстраций, карательные операции в Западной Грузии, грабежи населения?

Почему не даете слово своим оппонентам или вы думаете, что таким путем сможете скрыть правду?

Сейчас посмотрим, что представляет собой ваша «деятельность» с правовой точки зрения. Ваш приезд в Грузию это узурпация власти. Созданный вами по подобию ЦК незаконный орган, так называемый Госсовет и назначение себя же на пост его главы является нарушением всяких норм международного права, так как у Грузии есть законная власть, избранная народом. Вы же никем не избирались, и никто вас не назначал на эту должность.  Вы заявляете, что в ближайшее время в Грузии состоятся свободные и демократические выборы по стандартам, принятым во всем мире. Такие выборы в Грузии уже состоялись 28 октября 1990 года. У Грузии есть законный президент и парламент, без которого никто не имеет права назначать новые выборы. Так что ваши «выборы» будут фальшивыми незаконными, а ваш новый закон о выборах не будет иметь никакой юридической силы.

Такие «выборы» народ встретит бойкотом, так как он уже высказал свою волю. Кроме того, в таких условиях, когда вся Грузия находится в чрезвычайном положении, введен комендантский час, ни о каких выборах даже думать нельзя особенно по принятым в мире стандартам. Назначенные узурпатором «выборы» в условиях чрезвычайного положения не могут соответствовать никаким мировым стандартам.

Ваша хунта объявила о восстановлении Конституции 1921 года, которой якобы вы руководствуетесь в своей политике. Если бы вы понимали, что означает восстановление этой Конституции, то в тот же день ушли бы из власти и объявили о своей самоликвидации, так как согласно Конституции демократической республики Грузия страной должна управлять избранная власть, а не незаконная криминальная хунта.

Сейчас посмотрим, как вы понимаете сегодняшние российско-грузинские отношения.

Как я отмечал, у вас имеется большая претензия на то, что вы всю свою жизнь боролись за независимость Грузии. Не знаю как с независимостью, но все свои силы вы всегда тратили на сохранение целостности советской империи, но на данном этапе, когда колосс уже развалился и рухнул, вы боретесь за сохранение умирающей  российской империи, развал которой так же неизбежен, как это происходит со всеми империями.

Вы всячески стараетесь вновь превратить Грузию в колонию России. Почему нынешняя Россия не признает независимость Грузии и не устанавливает с ней дипломатических отношений? Потому, что Грузия объявила о независимости и не хочет больше быть российской колонией и военным плацдармом. Поэтому Россия считает, что Грузия должна признать Абхазию и Самачабло частями российской федерации. «Вы уйдете, но только без Абхазии и Южной Осетии» говорил нам Горбачев и его правительство. Политика нынешней России не сильно отличается от политики СССР.

Вы объявляете, что российско-грузинские отношения больше чем дипломатические. Отношений «больше» чем дипломатические в международной практике не существует и такого понятия международное право не знает. Что же имели в виду под этими отношениями? Уж не колониальное ли рабство? Но помните, что российская империя все равно обречена, так же как ваши попытки установить в Грузии русофильский тоталитарный режим. Грузия 9 апреля  1991 года объявила о своей независимости и останется верной своему выбору (кстати, в этом году эту дату в Грузии даже не отметили).  Исходя из этого особенный цинизм и наглость с вашей стороны, сидеть под трехцветным флагом и на фоне портрета Мераба Костава. Под тем флагом, за верность которому вы столько людей отправили в тюрьмы и на фоне портрета того Мераба Костава, которого вы 10 лет пытали в ГУЛАГе, и которому ваши агенты укоротили жизнь.

Сейчас посмотрим, как совпадают ваши слова с делами в отношении к оккупационным войскам. Вы объявили, что между Россией и Грузией должны состоятся переговоры о выводе войск и что Грузия никогда не станет членом СНГ. Но в то же время когда все члены этого содружества убирают со своих территорий оккупационные части или подчиняют их своей юрисдикции, вы день ото дня увеличиваете их количество на территории Грузии. Выяснилось, что вы в первый же день своего приезда  позвонили в Москву и попросили оставить эти войска, что по своей беспечности объявил по московскому телевидению ваш друг «демократ» Г. Попов. С разрешения вашей хунты   в Грузию ввели выведенный из Карабаха 366-й мотострелковый полк. Сейчас как похоже, согласно сделки с Геншером вы собираетесь строить квартиры для демобилизованных из Германии офицеров. Естественно, что тот, кто не обладает поддержкой своего народа, ищет опору в оккупационных войсках. Это было всегда в нашей истории полной испытаний, так было в «советский» период и так будет до тех пор, пока в Грузии будут войска СНГ, т.е. российские оккупационные армии в лице вашей хунты.

Не могу не вспомнить ужасное положение молодежи, обусловленное тем, что вы и ваши «красные профессора» внедряли среди молодежи  криминальную и наркотическую героику. Волчьи правила «воров в законе». Вы отвернули молодежь от книг и приучили их к наркотикам, оружию, к грабежам и разбоям. Позже многих из них вы превратили в маленьких монстров в составе «армии» вашего режима. Они сейчас без жалости расстреливают мирные митинги, по-зверски расправляются с взрослыми и малыми, с женщинами и детьми просто за желание говорить правду.

Но помните, что правду никакая тюрьма, никакая пуля и никакой костер  не одолеет. У нас есть и хорошая молодежь, которая заставит вас ответить. Как говорил великий Акакий Церетели – «Несправедливая сила  властвует не вечно

Справедливость все равно побеждает».

Сейчас я хочу вам задать главный вопрос: кто вас направил против нас? Кто вас пригласил в Грузию? Где те трудящиеся, та молодежь, которая якобы вам в Москве не давала покоя и забрасывала вас заявлениями и петициями – быстрее приезжайте в Грузию и спасайте нас? Где эти документы? Но у лжи короткие ноги. Всем понятно, что в Грузию вас пригласил только один человек – криминал и рецидивист Джаба Иоселиани, у которого руки замазаны в крови собственного народа. Да это его эмиссары привезли вас в Тбилиси, и в аэропорту вас встречала небольшая группа предателей и криминалов.  В то же время грузинский народ прозвал вас иудой и скандирование этого имени не прекратится в Грузии, пока вы ступаете по нашей земле.

Почему вы боитесь правды, почему не отвечаете на вопросы студентов и журналистов, которые опубликованы в газетах? Почему не принимаете журналистов? Может вы думаете, что сейчас средние века, и что ваши темные делишки навсегда останутся неизвестными? Будьте уверены, очень скоро на Западе поймут, кому они создали имидж демократа и чьими  руками пытаются строить свою политику на Кавказе.

Вы же обязательно потерпите поражение в объявленной собственному народу войне, так же как потерпели поражение Наджибула и Бабрак Кармаль.  Такое же поражение вы испытаете в войне с кавказскими народами, которую планируете вместе с имперскими силами.

Таким образом, ваше «перевоплощение в демократа» является просто сменой фасада. По сути своей вы остались тем же кем были, сторонником тоталитаризма, государственного терроризма, душой коммунистом, что подтверждается вашей сегодняшней деятельностью в Грузии, где вы возродили партократию, репрессии , тоталитарный режим.

Вспоминаются известные слова Канта: «Поскребите немецкого философа, и вы найдете в нем теолога». Я бы перефразировал эту мысль с учетом нашей реальности так: Поскребите любого автора «перестройки» и вы найдете в нем коммуниста-партократа».

Как нам поверить в ваше перевоплощение, когда вы вместо того что бы покаяться перед своим народом за свои тяжкие преступления, вновь добавляете к старым грехам все новые и новые?

Вас прислала империя для осуществления своих планов, это знает каждый в Грузии, и поэтому народ встретил вас так враждебно.

Грузинский народ не Политбюро, что бы можно было его купить марками и долларами.

Теперь давайте вернемся к тому анонимному письму, о котором я упомянул в начале моего письма. Сейчас я убеждаюсь, что это не было анонимным  письмом русских и армянских «нацистов». Это было письмо созданное агентами КГБ и вами, где было коротко изложен план по уничтожению Грузии. Многое из этого плана уже осуществлено. Начался геноцид грузинского народа, началось разрушение территориальной целостности Грузии, но в то же время одна империя распалась, а на очереди вторая. Так что вашим надеждам не суждено осуществиться.

Грузинский народ уже проснулся и с этого момента его никто не заставит накинуть на себя рабское ярмо. Империя погибнет, а Грузия будет существовать вечно.

Исходя из всего вышеизложенного, я вас обвиняю:

1.В систематическом преследовании национально-освободительного движения Грузии и подавлении его жесточайшими методами, в дискредитации его внутри и вне страны. В преследовании грузинских патриотов и защитников прав человека, расстреле грузинского патриота В. Жвания, в расстреле молодежи по «самолетному делу», а так же

в расстреле по ложному обвинению невинного священника Теодора Чихладзе, в убийстве журналистки Нази Шаманаури в 1983 году в тбилисской психиатрической больнице.

2.В подготовке международного заговора против законного правительства Грузии, беспрецедентной компании лжи, организованной в мировом масштабе.

3.В дезинформации и дезориентации западных стран в отношении процессов идущих в Грузии.

4.В проведении кровавой криминальной революции и военном перевороте, в создании незаконной, преступной хунты, в узурпации власти, в разрушении и сожжении центра Тбилиси.

5.В создании в Грузии клептократии вместо демократии, в подчинение правоохранительных органов криминальным структурам. И передаче им власти.

6.В уничтожении результатов достигнутых на демократических выборах 30 октября 1990 года и 26 мая 1991 года, в преследовании законного парламента и президента.

7.В незаконном допущении для российских оккупационных войск оставаться на территории Грузии, в снятии с них оккупационного статуса, в воде в Грузию дополнительных войск в лице 366-го мотострелкового полка из Карабаха и  уволенных из Германии военнослужащих, для которых намечается строительство жилья на нашей территории.

8. В восстановление коммуно-партократической мафии в Грузии.

9. В  агентстве у имперского КГБ и в верной службе ему.

10. Вовлечение в агентурную сеть КГБ значительного населения Грузии.

11. В государственном терроризме, в расправе над мирными демонстрантами в январе-феврале 1992 года руками ваших криминалов.

12.В карательных походах против Западной Грузии, в геноциде и грабеже населения, в провоцировании регионального сепаратизма и межнациональной вражды.

13.В легализации и поощрении наркобизнеса и наркомании в Грузии, в превращении значительной части тбилисской молодежи в наркоманов и бандитов.

14. В преследовании лично меня и моей семьи, даже малолетних детей на протяжении 20 лет.

15.В сожжении и разграблении дома-музея Константина Гамсахурдиа.

16. В массовых репрессиях сторонников законной власти.

17. В попытке заключения тайного договора с Германией за счет интересов Грузии.

18. В геноциде грузинского народа по указанию имперского центра.

19.В измене Родине.

После всего вышесказанного, я требую от вас немедленного письменного ответа и объяснений. Вызываю вас на теледебаты (как бывшего министра иностранных дел СССР, а не как главу Госсовета) на вашем любимом московском телевидении, которое на каждом шагу проявляет свои симпатии к вам. Теледебаты будут в виде телемоста.

Готов взять обратно свои заявления, если будет доказана хоть малейшая ложь в моих словах.

Открытое письмо к вам уже было почти завершено, как мне в руки попало ваше интервью журналу «Шпигель», из которого выясняется, что кроме всего прочего вы еще и неуч. В частности, вы, будучи таким большим «экспертом» в немецких делах к изумлению немецкого корреспондента заявили, что оказывается Гитлер, был тоже демократически избранным, так же как Гамсахурдиа. Корреспондент вежливо заметил вам, что это не соответствует действительности, но на другой странице он поставил в кавычки это ваше «открытие» и высмеял вас. (Шпигель, 14 апреля, 1992 год). Не знаю, какая оценка у вас была в школе по истории, но сегодня не знать такие вещи не простительно даже ученикам средней школы. Известно, что Гитлера назначил рейхсканцлером Германии президент Гинденбург, точно так же как вас в свое время Брежнев назначил первым секретарем компартии  Грузии. В этом ваше духовное родство, но только партия Гитлера не смогла получить большинство в рейхстаге так же как ваша партия на выборах в парламент Грузии 28 октября 1990 года. Позже Гитлер так же как вы в Грузии, узурпировал власть в Германии.  Так что аналогии надо искать совсем в другом месте. Вообще советую вам чаще заглядывать в популярные книги и энциклопедии, перед тем как давать интервью мирового масштаба.

Президент республики Грузия Звиад Гамсахурдиа.

19 апреля 1992 года.

თებერვალი 3, 2011

ზვიად გამსახურდია: ნომენკლატურის რევანში საქართველოში

Published by ‘SOVIET ANALYST’
(Editor and Publisher Christopher Story), Vol. 21, N. 9-10, 1993:
‘Zviad Gamsakhurdia, the Legally Elected and Legitimate President of Georgia,
Describes the Evil Revenge of KGB & the Nomenklatura


Preface of ‘Soviet Analyst’

In the following exclusive dispatch to SOVIET ANALYST, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, the freely elected and legitimate President of Georgia, explains how the long arm of Moscow intervened in the affairs of Georgia and prevented the realization of the people’s wish to be fully politically independent. He describes in anguished detail how this plot was implemented, and the key role played in it by Eduard Shevardnadze, in response to the requirements of Yevgeniy Pnimakov, head of the so-called Russian Foreign Intelligence Service, a manifestation of the KGB. The first sentence of this remarkable report is of exceptional importance to understanding events in Georgia, and also more broadly throughout the USSR. Gamsakhurdia writes: ‘From 1987 onwards, through out the Soviet Union, ‘democratic’ and national liberation movements were activated‘. The last two words reveal that, as Anatoliy Golitsin has explained in this service and in unpublished Memoranda seen by the Editor of this service, the ‘democratic’ and national liberation movements were not spontaneous, but controlled – via the Komsomol and the KGB – by the Soviet authorities. At least, that was the intention. In two of the Soviet Republics – Lithuania and Georgia – there rose to positions of leadership genuine anti-Communists and patriots. In both countries, the Communist/Nomenklatura networks have been restored. The West has cynically collaborated with Moscow in confining Georgia’s fate, to which this issue is specially devoted.

National liberation movement, ‘liberalization’ and ‘perestroika’

From 1987 onwards, throughout the Soviet Union, ‘democratic’ and national liberation movements were activated. The rulers of the USSR, realizing the impossibility of continuing with the Cold War, yet not deviating from their intention to retain their Communist Empire, embarked upon a period of apparent changes and ‘liberalization’ under the label ‘perestroika‘.

Simultaneously, despite the freeing of political prisoners, they continued their bloody repressions against the national liberation movements, especially in Vilnius, Tbilisi, Baku and in other centers. But in the face of the pressure exerted by the peoples’ will and by world public opinion, they were forced to permit non-Communist elections to take place in certain Republics – a step which led to Declarations of Independence by these Republics and subsequently to the total disintegration of the USSR.

Elections

In Georgia, the national liberation and democratic movement achieved its ultimate triumph on 28th October 1990, when the country’s first multi-party democratic elections were held. This was truly a bloodless revolution – in which Communists were obliged to hand power over to the democratically elected Parliament and Government. For the first time in 70 years, Georgia began to enjoy all the normal democratic freedom – a free press, political freedom, and religious freedom.

It is a serious error to imagine, as some still do, that the Soviet Government based in the Kremlin, and their local Communist associates, surrendered in Tbilisi without a struggle. Following the drastic, punitive measures of repression they had taken on 9th April 1989 against the national movement, they realized that their efforts had been in vain; so they lost no time in organizing a fake opposition – buttressed by powerful groups of armed criminals (the so called ‘Mkhedrioni‘ gangs) which had been legalized by the Communists for emergency use.

They ‘legitimized’ this opposition by means of the creation of a so-called ‘ national congress’, the members of which were ‘elected’ by means of false elections, and which was brought into existence for the sole purpose of replacing the true opposition, conducting political warfare, and committing acts of terrorism against the true national movement. In parallel with these measures, the Communists activated criminal extremists in so-called ‘South Ossetia’, who embarked upon a campaign of repression and terrorism against the local Georgian population, ruled directly from Moscow by the KGB and the Politburo.

By activating these forces, the Communists’ intention had been to prevent truly democratic elections taking place in Georgia. However a combination of civil disobedience, mass popular demonstrations, protest actions by students and, finally a railway strike, compelled the Communist authorities to permit proper elections, in which the Communist Party participated.

Following the defeat of the Communists’ cynical efforts to prevent elections taking place, the Communists suffered a humiliating defeat in the elections themselves, which were overwhelmingly won by State the ‘Round Table/Free Georgia’ grouping under my leadership. Faced with this outcome, the Moscow-based Communists and their associates in Tbilisi immediately set about preparing to reverse the course of events, enlisting the assistance of the mass media for this purpose.

Propaganda War

With effect from the very day of my election as Speaker of the Georgian Parliament on 14th November 1990, groups of criminal ‘Mkhedrioni’ gangs embarked upon a campaign of attacks on police stations and atrocities all over Georgia, while the fake ‘national congress’ tried to organize acts of protest against my legally elected Government. In Moscow, a group led by Shevardnadze, Popkhadse, Mgeladse and other renegade Communists formed a special staff dedicated to the task of overthrowing the legally elected, legitimate Government of Georgia – organizing for the purpose an unprecedented propaganda campaign directed from Moscow and carried throughout the entire world for the purpose of discrediting it.

The US Administration generally – and the US President, George Bush, and his Secretary of State, James Baker, with whom Shevardnadze had direct relationships, personally- strongly supported this cynical disinformation campaign against the legally elected authorities of Georgia, which had every intention of seceding from the Soviet Union and had as its main objective the establishment of an independent democratic state.

For its part, the Western mass media repeated in full the elaborate lies of Soviet propaganda – including the propagation of an image of myself as a cruel dictator of Georgia, a kind of Saddam Hussein of the Caucasus, who was engaged in the outright suppression of all personal freedoms, the arrest of political opponents, the wholesale violation of human rights, the oppression of national minorities, and the waging of ‘fascist war’ against them under the slogan ‘Georgia for the Georgians’.

The reality was the exact opposite of the evil picture painted by this Soviet propaganda. A total of 25 newspapers in Georgia systematically criticized and slandered the President and Parliament, an activity for which they were not persecuted (unlike the treatment they would have received under the Communists). The so-called ‘opposition’ was granted an ‘alternative hour’ on State Television, and my Government even offered these people the possibility of opening an independent TV channel. Since absolute political freedom was permitted under my leadership, parties and organizations which professed hostility to the Government were allowed to hold their incessant demonstrations and protest rallies, supported by their own newspapers and armed groups.

People were arrested while I was in power only for specific crimes and violence, not for their political views or for propaganda purposes. My Government insisted at all times upon the rights of the national minorities in Georgia being considered equal to those of the Georgian population. As for the abolition of South Ossetia’s so-called autonomy, this was brought about by the Parliament of South Ossetia itself, which proclaimed the establishment of an independent Republic; and the relevant decree promulgated by the Georgian Parliament merely recognized this fact. The violence and disorder which followed in South Ossetia was provoked by extremist forces directed from Moscow. The political slogan ‘Georgia for the Georgians’ was never proclaimed by me at all: it was a cynical invention of Moscow’s propaganda machine.

Referendum on independence and Presidential elections

A referendum on Georgian independence was held on 31st March 1991, at which more than 90% of the population voted for political secession and independence. Following this result, the Georgian Supreme Council in Tbilisi proclaimed Georgia’s independence on 9th April 1991On 26th May, Georgia held its first presidential elections, and I was elected Georgia’s first President.

Shortly after my election, a total political and economic blockade on Georgia was enforced, while every conceivable destructive measure was taken against the legally elected Georgian Government. Despite our Declaration of Independence, Gorbachev invited me to Novo-Ogarevo to sign the Union Treaty. It was following my explicit refusal to do so, that the Kremlin elaborated a concrete plan to overthrow Georgia’s constitutional Government.

President Bush contributed personally to this persecution of Georgia when he visited the Soviet Union in the summer of 1991 and persuaded Ukraine to stay within the USSR – denouncing me as a ‘man who has been swimming against the tide’. Subsequently, his Secretary of State, James Baker, announced the existence of an authoritarian regime in Georgia that would never receive any assistance from the US Administration. This statement was the signal for the armed ‘opposition’ to begin its lethal activity. As a Member of the Parliament, Mr. J. Afanasieff, has recently stated, Gorbachev and Shevardnadze diverted 65 million pre-hyper-inflation rubles for the purpose of financing the coup d’etat in Georgia.

Putch

Certain members of the legally elected Georgian Government, and also of the Parliament, who maintained dose contact with Shevardnadze in Moscow, took part in this conspiracy against the Georgian authorities. I refer in particular to the Prime Minister, T. Sigua, and to the Chief of the National Guard, T. Kitovani; the Minister of Foreign Affairs, G. Khostaria; the Speaker of the Parliament, A. Asiatiani; and V. AdamiaN. Natadse, and T. Paatashvili, Members of Parliament, together with others.

Sigua and Kitovani led an agitation campaign within the national guard, which had in fact been set up under my direction, seeking to persuade its members that I had supported the ‘August coup’ in Moscow. One of the methods they used was to state that I had supported Yanayev [Janaev], and to promise to show members of the National Guard some documents to prove it, resulting from the interrogation of Yanayev. None of these documents have been forthcoming to this day.

The charge was ludicrous because in fact I was the first President to appeal to Western countries on the second day of the Moscow ‘coup’ (20th August), to recognize that all elected presidents and parliaments in the region must be supported. I added that the organizers of the putsch represented ‘reactionary forces’. My appeal was published in the Russian-language Tbilisi newspaper ‘Swobodnaya Grusia’, and was transmitted to news agencies world-wide.

Another technique used to win over the support of the National Guard was to persuade young, in-experienced recruits that I was planning to dismantle and disarm the National Guard (despite the fact that I had caused it to be established), basing this lie upon a decree I had issued, in which I had laid down that the National Guard was subordinate to the Interior Ministry of which it formed a part, and that this arrangement was necessary in order to protect the National Guard from Moscow’s machinations.

By such unworthy means, the Moscow- directed plotters succeeded in enticing onto their side a significant proportion of the National Guard – establishing a new military camp on the outskirts of Tbilisi. This camp was hostile to me personally and to the Parliament, and became a base for disparate members of the so-called ‘opposition’, including specially released criminals, drug addicts and black marketers. These groups received financing from Moscow and the local Mafia. The Transcaucasian Military District of the Soviet Army (ZAKWO) supplied these formations with arms and armored vehicles, communications equipment, and military instructors.

The Moscow-directed ‘opposition’ to Georgia’s legitimate Government, the Parliament and my Presidency, also received strong support from the Communist intelligentsia, which had enjoyed exceptional privileges under Soviet Communism, and the members of which had lost those privileges following the democratic revolution in Georgia, and were dreaming about a return to the years of rule by Shevardnadze.

Among the most shameless lies put about by the Moscow propagandists at that time was an accusation that I was seeking to isolate Georgia along Albanian lines – whereas of course the truth of the matter was that the authorities in Moscow had isolated Georgia through their own deliberate actions, slandering Georgia as a ‘fascist state’ groaning under ‘totalitarian rule’. The upheavals and disorders in the country were so grave that I had been prevented from traveling to Western countries.

For instance, I had been unable to fulfill my plans to travel to Davos, Switzerland, in January, to visit Denmark in September in response to an invitation from the Danish Parliament, or to address the American Congress in response to its invitation. My inability to take up these invitations was falsely presented to the world as confirmation of my isolationist intentions, and thus proof of my ‘anti-European’ and ‘anti-American’ policies.

With effect from September, this coalition of officials who had defected, criminal and Mafia elements, and the so-called ‘street opposition’, were sufficiently organized to be able to intensify their campaign against the Government – demanding the resignation of the President, the creation of a new ‘coalition government’, and fresh parliamentary elections. On several occasions, these elements attacked the Parliament building, causing bloody incidents and disorder. They occupied the national television building and attacked the central electricity generating station in Tbilisi. I addressed the armed opposition on several occasions, calling for political dialogue – but without any result.

Cup

Following the collapse of Gorbachev’s Novo-Ogarevo process, and recognizing the inevitability of the Soviet Union’s disintegration, the Soviet leadership decided to create a new Empire model, the so-called C.I.S., which was to be established at a meeting planned for 21st December 1991 in Alma-Ata, when the leaders of the Soviet Republics were to sign an agreement establishing the new political entity. My refusal to attend this meeting was the development which triggered Moscow’s decision to overthrow Georgia’s legally elected Government. And no time was lost.

On that very day, 21st December, when the attention of the world was focused on the meeting in Alma-Ata, rallies began outside Tbilisi’s Parliament building. One rally was attended by supporters of the legal Government, and another consisted of the armed so-called ‘opposition’, infiltrated by officers of the Russian Army. Armored cars and military vehicles appeared on the streets. The anti-government forces began to shoot at unarmed supporters of my Presidency, and several people were killed.

Thus the ‘opposition’ had embarked upon the final phase of its agitation to overthrow ‘dictatorship’ and to establish ‘democracy’ by violence, in accordance with the well-known prescription of Lenin. By means of this deceptive plan, supported by Moscow and the Soviet military, a group of putschists, led by the former Soviet Foreign Minister, KGB-General Shevardnadze, set out to overthrow Georgia’s legal government, and to usurp power in Tbilisi. I openly and repeatedly warned the Georgian people and the world’s governments about this dangerous intention, but unfortunately my warnings went unheeded.

On the following day, 22nd December 199l, the so-called ‘opposition’ occupied the Hotel ‘Tbi1isi’ and the Kashweti church in front of the Parliament building, and started shooting and bombing Parliament using artillery, missiles and snipers on the roofs of nearby buildings. The Parliament building was defended by elements of the National Guard who had not been deceived by Shevardnadze and his associates, and remained loyal to the President, but who lacked artillery, missiles, or heavy armour. In the course of their attack on the Parliament complex, the putschists burned down and destroyed all the surrounding buildings – including the Art Gallery, the Painting School, the City’s leading college (formerly the aristocrats’ gymnasium), and other establishments.

The City’s central Rustaveli Avenue was reduced to ruins. My own house, where my wife and two children lived, was surrounded and bombed. Attempts were made to seize my family as hostages, but they were saved by members of the National Guard, by now called the President’s Guard, and conveyed by armored car to the Parliament building. After they left, my house was stripped bare by criminal elements, no doubt with ‘opposition’ consent, and burned to the ground.

The siege of Tbilisi’s Parliament building which continued for 16 days, was noteworthy for inhumanity and barbarism. Snipers shot anyone approaching the building, including the vehicles of First Aid workers, and fire engines which were therefore unable to quench the fires. Many houses were razed to the ground, and hundreds of people were left homeless. People who had been defending the Parliament building were killed in cold blood in Tbilisi’s hospitals by members of the ‘opposition’, these putschists fighting for ‘democracy’.

At the end of December, the Russian Armed Forces reinforced the armed ‘opposition’. After the Presidential Guard had managed to burn several armored vehicles and tanks operated by the ‘opposition’, new vehicles suddenly appeared. Their main base, the Institute of Marxism-Leninism, was heavily re-supplied by lorries, loaded with arms and ammunition. The accuracy with which shells, mortars and missiles were used was so great, that there can be no doubt that Soviet military specialists participated with the ‘opposition’ putschists. Moreover, drivers and troops from the Soviet Army were found dead in some of the armored vehicles which the Parliament’s defenders had managed to hit.

On 27th December 1991, members of the Presidential Guard who were defending the television station under the command of B. Kutateladse, betrayed the President and yielded the television tower to the ‘opposition’. On 2nd January 1992, these forces formed a ‘Military council’ and a ‘Provisional Government’, consisting of T. Sigua, T. Kitovani and D. Ioseliani – who was freed from jail for the purpose and linked up with the putchists and his former criminal associates. In parallel with these developments and Ioseliani’s release, about 4,000 convicted criminals were also released from the prisons, given arms, and instructed to join the ‘army of fighters for democracy’.

Exile

Recognizing that this war against the putschists, blatantly supported by the Soviet military, could not fail to result in further bloodshed, and might end up totally destroying our capital city, I and a group of my armed supporters left the Parliament building on 6th January 1992 under a hail of bullets. We traveled first to Azerbaijan, then on to Armenia, and finally to the Chechen Republic, where the President, Dshohar Dudaev, gave us temporary shelter. From Grozny, the capital of the Chechen Republic, I disseminated the following appeal to the United Nations and to all peoples and governments of the world:

Appeal to the peoples and the
governments of the World.
To all peoples of goodwill.
To the United Nations

‘I, popularly elected president of the Republic of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, address all the people who value the ideals of democracy, human rights and freedoms and are not indifferent to the fate of the whole nation, which became a victim of a major disaster.

In Georgia in January 1992, the military junta of political adventurers and the local Mafia carried out a coup d’etat in Tbilisi, having forcibly usurped power and started a war against the constitutionally elected government and the President, which led to the deaths of hundreds of people. The capital Tbilisi was partially burned down and historic monuments were destroyed on the main avenue of the city.

In order to put an end to bloodshed, I, the President of the Republic of Georgia, left Tbilisi together with the members of my family, who also were under the threat of physical extermination. The putschists burned down the Parliament building, looted my house, which at the same time is a memorial estate of my father – the well-known Georgian writer Konstantine Gamsakhurdia.

The junta formed a self-appointed government and is committing unspeakable crimes against the people who put up resistance to lawlessness and tyranny. They systematically shoot at peaceful rallies, arresting innocent people including MPs. Their armed forces rob and terrorize citizens. The people have launched a campaign of civil disobedience. Strikes are being carried out at the enterprises, railways and ports. The country’s energy and food crisis has reached alarming proportions.

I appeal to the United Nations, to the peoples and governments of the whole world, to issue a denunciation of the gross violations of human rights [committed] in Georgia by the junta, to demand the restoration of the constitutionally elected government and also to offer the Georgian people all the help they need to recover from this disaster, caused by the adventurous actions of the military junta’.

President of the republic of Georgia,
Zviad Gamsakhurdia,
Georgia, 27th january 1992.

Regime

But regrettably, bloodshed continued in Tbilisi and all over Georgia. After seizing power on 6th January 1992, the junta embarked upon systematic repression and a reign of terror, executing supporters of the legally chosen President, killing several hundred of them in Tbilisi alone, and in the countryside to the west of the capital. Near the village of Ninotsminda (Agaiani), murderous gangs were permitted to rob and kill people engaged in peaceful protests in support of my Government. In Tbilisi, hundreds of thousands of people demonstrated, protesting against the banning of the legally elected President and Parliament; and similar scenes were repeated in other towns throughout the country. During these manifestations, about a hundred of my supporters were assassinated, and many hundreds were wounded and detained.

It was always clear that the bulk of the forces of the armed so-called ‘opposition’ consisted of criminal elements – a fact which was even admitted by the junta’s self-appointed so-called Prosecutor General, Vakhtang Rasmadse. His admission appeared later in the newspaper ‘Sakartvelos Respublika’ dated 25th February 1992.

Thus the notorious gangster Dzhaba Ioseliani, who had been convicted on several counts of murder, robbery and for other crimes, was suddenly elevated to membership of the new self-appointed ‘government’. Tengiz Kitovani, another member of the junta, has several past convictions for various offenses committed under Communism. Ioseliani openly authorized, on television, all the atrocities being committed by his controlled gangs of thugs, and threatened all attending demonstrations and protest meetings with shooting and other forms of execution. The influence of this criminal junta on young people is deeply corrupting, given its repulsive use of money, drugs and weapons as enticements.

By day, the junta attacks peaceful protest demonstrations, and by night it terrorizes and robs the population. It imposed a State of Emergency and curfews in Tbilisi and in Georgia’s five other main cities, in violation of Article 4 of the Georgian Constitution, which lays down that only the legitimately elected Government and Parliament have the right to announce a State of Emergency.

Later on the illegal junta and its forces commenced punitive operations in various cities and towns, where the protest movement against the overthrow of the legal Government has continued. Many reports, published in unofficial Georgian newspapers such as ‘Kartuli Azri’, ‘Agdgoma’ and ‘Sakartvelos tsis kvesh’, have described acts of ruthless terror and barbarian behavior committed by the illegal junta’s forces.

In Easter Georgia, demonstrations and protests took place in Gurdshaani, Telavi, Akhmeta and Kareli. However, after punitive operations conducted by the junta’s forces, these demonstrations ceased. By contrast, in western Georgia, where the junta was able to deploy fewer forces, active resistance has continued to this day.

The junta’s version of events is that because I am a west Georgian, the people in that part of the country support me more than they do elsewhere. In reality, the electorate in both western and eastern Georgia cast their votes for me in equal proportions; and I received particularly strong support from Georgians in Sagaredsho (‘South Ossetia’), Kartli, Kakheti, Meskheti, etc.

The actual reason for the imbalance in the protest movement is the imperfect distribution of the junta’s forces of repression, which are mainly concentrated in Tbilisi, Sagaredsho and in other regions of Kakheti, which they are able to control the most effectively. But the junta has launched several punitive expeditions into west Georgia, against the ‘disobedient’ populations in the towns of Zugdidi, Tsalendzhikha, Senaki, Martvili, and Khobi. Intelligence concerning the resulting brutalities, vandalism, terror, robbery and violence, and about the hundreds of victims among the peaceful populations in those locations, was published in the news- paper ‘Sakartvelos tsis kvesh’ (which means ‘Under the Sky of Georgia’), issue number 37, dated 16th August 1992, printed in the Chechen Republic.

In February 1992, the former US Secretary of State, Mr. James A Baker, visited Moscow and met Shevardnadze and the head of the so-called ‘Provisional Government’ of Georgia, T. Sigua. The unofficial meetings and negotiations which then took place prepared the ground for the return of Shevardnadze, the former hated Communist dictator of Georgia, to Tbilisi for the stated purpose of guaranteeing ‘political and economic stabilization, peace and democratic elections’. During his visit to Tbilisi, I sent a telegram of protest to Secretary of State Baker in the following terms:

‘I express my protest against your intention to visit Georgia, which means support of the most illegal, anti-democratic, criminal and terrorist regime in the world, which has overthrown the legal authorities [who were] elected by the people, which wages war against its own people, rudely violates human rights and fundamental freedoms, chastening and shooting at peaceful meetings and demonstrations, has imposed a monopoly over the entire mass media, and collaborates with and stimulates the activities of, the underworld and the Mafia.

In seven towns and cities of Georgia including Tbilisi, there is still a curfew. Real power is in the hands of the notorious criminal and gangster Ioseliani. The criminal junta misappropriates all humanitarian aid received from the West and resells it on the black market at sky-high prices, while the people receive nothing. The economic situation is catastrophic; hunger, chaos and total destabilization are increasing; there is a great lack of foodstuffs and medicines; many people are dying of hunger and various diseases every day, especially old people and children.

Shevardnadze is reviving Stalinism in Georgia, has begun mass repressions and tortures; innocent citizens are arrested every day in large numbers because of their part in organizing protest actions; meetings, demonstrations, hunger strikes, strikes and protests are prohibited; and there is strict censorship throughout the country.

In such a situation, all possibility of free and honest elections is excluded. The situation [prevailing] in Georgia will soon come to resemble that in Somalia and Ethiopia. The United States’ Government’s actions in supporting this criminal totalitarian regime and establishing diplomatic relations with it, amount to a rude violation of all the democratic principles upon which American society is based, a violation of the [principles of the Helsinki Final Act, of the Charter of Paris, and of international law – a state of affairs which has induced indignation among the Georgian people, which is aware of the United States’ positions vis-?is Cuba, Venezuela and Haiti.

As a result [of the position adopted by the United States], anti-American feelings are increasing. I demand from the US Administration that it should cease its [open] support of state terrorism in Georgia, and that it should establish contacts only with the legal authorities of Georgia, who are now in exile’.

Nomenklatura

It was not long before Shevardnadze himself arrived at Tbilisi airport, where he was met by a group of ‘Mkhedrioni’ gangsters, militiamen and some Nomenklatura intellectuals – his supporters. He saluted these intellectuals from the Nomenklatura, “who had taken up arms and fought for the establishment of ‘democracy'”. Then he went first to the Sioni church, simulating piety, where he was welcomed by the local ‘Patriarch’, a long-term agent of the KGB, before proceeding to ‘Government House’, where he was there and then ‘elected’ as head of the new anti-constitutional body – the so-called ‘State Council’, which was in fact the same as the Military Council, but broadened and disguised.

Following his arrival on the scene, Shevardnadze presided over increased mass repression and a heightened reign of terror against his innumerable political opponents, who had continued to hold meetings and demonstrations, now against his arrival and his blatant usurpation of power. Punitive operations were carried out and repeated several times in western Georgia, with greater brutality and ruthlessness than before. Meanwhile the scale of assistance to the junta and its terrorist formations provided by the Russian military was stepped up, with supplies of armaments, technological equipment for warfare, and specialists.

Soon after Shevardnadze’s arrival in Tbilisi, his gangs again attacked, robbed and burned my home at 19, Gali Street, which also served, as I have mentioned, as a memorial and museum to the memory of my father, the well-known writer Konstantine Gamsakhurdia. My house remains a burnt-out ruin to this day, in exactly the same condition as after these attacks, in spite of public remarks by Shevardnadze about his ‘friendship’ with Konstantine Gamsakhurdia. To make matters even worse, my house has been repeatedly defiled by members of the junta’s mobs.

The West

Western politicians, and most of the mass media in the West, kept silent about the reign of terror, the repression and the barbarian vandalism unleashed in Georgia following the illegal seizure of power by the junta. The exceptions were the press in Finland and newspapers in Switzerland, which described the truth about the newly installed terror regime and the crimes it was committing. The United Nations, the CSCE, the Red Cross and most human rights organizations refused to investigate the facts about state terrorism and the human rights violations being suffered by the Georgian people – the exceptions here being IGFM, the International Society of Human Rights (based in Frankfurt), and theFinnish Helsinki Group. Both of these organizations manifested deep concern about these tragic events in Georgia.

Western cynicism and hypocrisy reached unheard-of levels with the further visit paid by Mr. James Baker to Georgia, on the anniversary of our independence, 26thMay 1992. While Mr. Baker congratulated Shevardnadze and his boorish supporters gathered in the Square of the Republic in front of the Hotel ‘Iveria’, and spoke about democracy, about 200 meters from where Mr. Baker was speaking, a large force of ‘Mkhedrioni’ chastisers and police with dogs were busily engaged in dispersing another meeting of my supporters, shooting at the crowd, and beating people without mercy. Baker overheard this shooting in the streets, but made no comment, carrying on with his speech.

The CSCE’s biannual summit meeting took place in Helsinki in early July. As the President of Georgia, and founder of the first Helsinki Group in 1975, I was invited to attend by the Georgia group in the Finnish Parliament. Mr. Heikki Riihijavi, the leader of that group, made three unsuccessful applications to the Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs in an attempt to obtain a visa for me to attend the CSCE Summit. The Ministry informed Mr. Riihijavi and the Chairman of the Finland-Georgia Society, Mrs. Aila Niinimaa-Keppo, that I would only be allowed to arrive in Finland after the conclusion of the Helsinki Summit. No explanation was given to the Finnish Parliamentary Group concerning this delay to my visit; and nor was any explanation forthcoming about the fact that members of the ‘Mkhedrioni’ gangster formations and officers from the KGB were allowed to enter Finland, whereas I was not.

Faced with this situation, Mr. Riihijavi complained, with justification [see ABN Correspondence, May-June 1992, Number 3, Volume XLIII]:

‘This goes against the rules of the CSCE, which is based upon respect for legality, democracy and access to information and freedom to travel within the territories of the CSCE member states. How can the CSCE stop Gamsakhurdia from coming to Finland, while heartily welcoming Shevardnadze, who was involved in last year’s putch and who masterminded the illegal takeover in Georgia? The CSCE was meant to protect nations against criminal leaders like Shevardnadze’.

I sent a similar letter of protest directly to the CSCE, but without any result. Meanwhile, Shevardnadze had taken part in the Helsinki Summit as a messenger of peace and democracy. By this illegal behavior, the CSCE violated its very own document, drawn up at the Moscow meeting of the participating states at their meeting lasting between 10thSeptember and 4th October 1991. Specifically, the CSCE violated Article 17.2 of that document, which declares:

‘If in any participating state an attempt is made to overthrow, or the overthrow takes place of, the democratically elected government by undemocratic methods, the participating states will support the legal bodies of the state concerned, in accordance with the United Nations Charter’.

In Georgia’s case, this solemn stipulation was reversed. After receiving the blessing and approval of the CSCE – amounting, as one Finnish newspaper put it, to ‘a license to kill’ – Shevardnadze’s bloody regime redoubled the intensity of its reign of terror all over Georgia. It did so, too, in the knowledge that it had the tacit support of the United Nations, as well as of the CSCE. Faced with this further onslaught, people in western Georgia have organized themselves to conduct guerrilla warfare against the marauding gangs and formations dispatched by the junta, which have been invading towns and villages. Many partisans have been tortured and executed by Shevardnadze‘s junta.

As reported by SOVIET ANALYST, on 24th June 1992, Shevardnadze’s secret services feigned a ‘coup attempt’, when some of my unarmed supporters were lured into the TV building by officers from the Ministry of Interior’s troops, with the promise of an opportunity to broadcast their appeals to the Georgian people, without charge. When they accepted this offer, they were arrested and tortured. Shevardnadze‘s junta announced that an ‘unsuccessful coup d’etat had taken place; and to dramatize the situation, provocateurs under the control of Ioseliani carried out terrorist atrocities, in the course of which several people were killed. The provocateurs then ‘confessed’ on television that they had received instructions from myself to commit these acts of terrorism. In response to this episode, I sent a telegram to Shevardnadze, in which I accused him of trying to discredit me using the methods of Stalin and Beriya.

War in Abkhazia

Turning now to Shevardnadze‘s policy concerning national minorities. In his propaganda, Shevardnadze accused me of being a ‘fascist’, a ‘nationalist’ and an ‘enemy of the national minorities’. Now, however, he is visiting upon them direct violence and genocide – depriving them not merely of their autonomy, but also of even the right to live and exist. On11th August 1992, troops of the ‘State Council’ embarked upon an extensive punitive campaign in the Abkhazian Autonomous Republic. Shevardnadze and his ‘State Council’ insisted that this invasion was necessary for the purpose of sustaining public order in this region, especially along railway lines. But the fact is that, following this invasion, the region has experienced, and continues to suffer, wholesale public disorder, anarchy, genocide, and total destruction and burning of entire towns and villages. In reality, Shevardnadze’s objective was to overthrow the authorities in the Autonomous Republic.

What irritated Shevardnadze was that the authorities of this Autonomous Republic had not been persecuting my supporters, and had refused to introduce totalitarian rule, as practiced by the junta, in Abkhazia. There had been no reign of terror or repression of my supporters in Abkhazia, where the people had continued to enjoy political freedom, were able to publish their own newspaper ‘Agdgoma’, and were free to speak out on local television.

It is evident that the main purpose of the Abkhazian war is to establish in this region Shevardnadze‘s dictatorship and the rule of his junta and Mafia. The war in Abkhazia, which had already cost 4,000 lives by the end of last year, seems to be without end [culminating recently in the virtual flattening of Sukhumi: -Ed.]. The most descriptive expression to date of the true objectives of this war of oppression in Abkhazia, and of Shevardnadze‘s approach to the question of solving the problems of the minorities, came from Shevardnadze’s Commander-in-Chief, ‘general’ G. Karkarashvili, who explained on a national television programme [25th August 1992]:

‘If Abkhazia does not cease its resistance, my troops will kill all 97,000 Abkhazians’.

In other words, Shevardnadze and his murderers are prepared to liquidate the entire nation [– a process which appears to be well advanced: – Ed.]. For this purpose, too,Shevardnadze and Karkarashvili are evidently prepared to sacrifice approximately 100,000 Georgians, as well.

This, then, is the nature of the policies of Shevardnadze – former Communist dictator of Georgia, KGB General, promoter of terror, robbery, rape and genocide of national minorities and of his political opponents.

On 29th October 1992, the Defense minister, Kitovani, stated on Moscow Television that that autonomous regions are to be liquidated in Georgia, and that the matter of the autonomous regions will be resolved by military force. This statement, alone, makes it abundantly clear that, despite ‘democratic elections’ [see below] in Georgia, the country remains a terror dictatorship ruled by a criminal junta – and that all talk by Shevardnadze about ‘civilian rule’ prevailing in Georgia are lies. Furthermore, by involving the north Caucasian peoples in his Abkhazian war, Shevardnadze and his junta are preparing the ground for a new Yugoslavia in the Caucasus. Western Georgia, including Abkhazia, is simply in ruins, with thousands of refugees fleeing these regions daily.

False elections

Concerning the elections, which Shevardnadze promised to hold in Georgia ‘in accordance with all the standards adopted in democratic countries’, I would like to ask the democratic world whether, in any democratic country of the West, the following behavior is normal:

  • ‘Elections’ are ‘called’, not by an elected body, president, or parliament, but by some illegal, self-proclaimed gathering called a ‘State Council’ which possesses no legitimacy and imposed itself upon the country by force.
  • The ‘election’ organizers fail to identify the electors by name and address, omitting to carry out the preparations necessary to ensure absolutely fair voting.
  • The people are subjected to intensified terror and repression ahead of the ‘election’, and are forced in many cases to provide written undertakings that they will vote for a single candidate for the post of Speaker of Parliament – the top post in Georgia.
  • The position of Speaker of Parliament is decided not by the votes of MPs, but in fact by ‘public voting’.
  • ‘Elections’ take place against a background of civil war, anarchy, and curfews in many towns and cities.
  • ‘Elections’ take place without secret voting in most districts.
  • However, in a few districts of the capital, electoral arrangements, ballot boxes and booths for ‘secret voting’ are rigged up for the benefit of intentional observers, who are misled into deducing that the ballot boxes and booths for secret voting are replicated throughout the city and the country.
  • Moreover, the international observers are steered away from all other polling stations (where the voting arrangements are decidedly not secret).
  • At most polling stations, the ‘elections’ are conducted under the control of gunmen, who watch the voters as they place their votes, and check for whom they have voted. If they have not voted in accordance with the gunmen’s ‘preferences’.
  • … the gunmen visit such ‘disobedient’ voters with ballot boxes, and force them under threat of death to ‘amend’ their previous vote, and to place their vote in accordance with the ‘party line’.
  • Armored vehicles pursue ‘electors’ in the streets and drive them to the polling stations by force – a practice observed in the west Georgian town of Martvili.
  • Noticing that the number of ballot- papers cast is hopelessly insufficient for the authorities’ purposes, the ‘Election Commission’ removes the boxes and replaces them with new ones – an activity observed, for instance, in the town of Vani.
  • People are seen stuffing ballot-boxes with 100-200 ballot papers.
  • Local ‘Election Commissions’ consist of carefully selected people loyal to the illegal government, without any involvement by the opposition.
  • So-called ‘democratic elections’ take place without any involvement on the part of opposition parties or individuals.

Was it not quite natural that, following such ‘elections’, the dictator Shevardnadze was ‘elected’ by 96% of the ‘electorate’? Elections like these were of course standard under the Communists; and it is no coincidence that Communism has been revived in Georgia under Shevardnadze with great success, incorporating many of the ‘innovations’ introduced when Shevardnadze was in power earlier.

Shevardnadze has since boasted that he presides over a ‘democratically elected’ parliament in Georgia. It is curious, therefore, that 15 days after the elections, only a proportion of the parliamentary lists had been published – although even among the names published to date, the distribution of forces was remarkably favorable to Shevardnadze. Among these names were very well- known nomenklatura-plutocrats, including notorious accomplices of the events of 9th April 1989, and Mafia bosses – all of whom had unaccountably emerged with huge majorities in the new ‘parliament’.

The rest of the new parliamentary lists were published after a long delay, due to the fact that there erupted a great struggle among ‘candidates’ for inclusion within the favoredNomenklatura ‘parliament’, and a burning desire among their number for the opportunity of proving by their words (and deeds) their undying fidelity to the ‘Speaker’.

But all of a sudden, Shevardnadze announced, on 21st October 1992, that the first session of the new ‘parliament’ had been delayed for an indeterminate period, due to the ‘complicated situation’ prevailing in Georgia. In actual fact, the real reason for this delay was a political struggle between the ‘deputies’ and a growing, indeed acute, danger fromKitovani, who threatened a fresh putsch, should he be removed from the position of power he had usurped.

As for Shevardnadze‘s boasts about the introduction of the market economy and the country’s prosperity, the economic situation in Georgia is in fact catastrophic. The Russian Federation has allotted Georgia credits in the sum of 20 billion rubles [source: the Moscow-based newspaper ‘Kuranti’, October 1992, No. 38 [59]], while the United States and Turkey have assisted Georgia with several million dollars. All these credits,, as well as the humanitarian aid, are being systematically misappropriated by officials – applied for personal profit and for the financing of the Abkhazian war and punitive expeditions in west Georgia (Megrelia).

Privatization in favor of the Nomenklatura, is implemented on the orders of the junta members Ioseliani and Kitovani, and by others – with all national property and sources of valuable production distributed among the Nomenklatura/Mafia bosses.

Not surprisingly, most of the Georgian population, especially in the towns and cities, is on the verge of abject poverty and starvation. The agricultural sector has been totally paralyzed, especially in western Georgia. The main reasons for this breakdown are the civil war, a lack of fuel, an absence of agricultural equipment and technology, and the absolute chaos which has accompanied the privatization in favor of the Nomenklatura (known as ‘Nomenklatura-privatization) of the land, which has been taking place without any legislative basis, in the absence of any law governing land and property, and in the midst of endless conflicts among landowners as they struggle against the former state farms for property, and production, while having to contend with banditry and robbery, and with the wholesale misappropriation of assets.

Even the illegal government’s media has admitted that in Tbilisi alone between three and five men die of hunger every day – a figure dismissed by our sources as a gross understatement of the position, which is that dozens are dying every day from lack of food to eat.

Conclusions

In conclusion, I need to add that Shevardnadze‘s criminal regime is in the habit of repeatedly violating the Charter of the United Nations, the Declaration of Human rights, all principles of intentional law including the Helsinki agreement and the Paris Charter, and all declarations, pacts and conventions on Human rights and fundamental freedoms.

The regime operates by means of ruthless terror and violence, which are the main principles and instruments of state policy in Georgia.

It has no right to represent Georgia at the United Nations and in the forum of the CSCE, and it must be thrown out of these organizations. This heinous regime, which has brought Georgia to a state of political and economic catastrophe, is in the process of creating great dangers of destabilization and warfare throughout the Caucasus region, with the possibility of the war spreading even into Russia, and further fueling the basis for the emerging world crisis.

I, the legally and democratically elected President of Georgia-in-Exile, therefore appeal to the United Nations, to the governments and parliaments of the world, to the mass media, to all international political and religious organizations, and to all men and women of goodwill, to help Georgia in the midst of its terrible disaster, to condemn the state terrorism practiced by Shevardnadze’s regime, to impose a total boycott on it, and to help restore the legal Parliament and Government.

Unless this happens, there can be no peace, stabilization or democratic development in Georgia, and throughout the whole of the region of the Caucasus.

წყარო

იანვარი 27, 2011

ანდრეი სკრიაბინის ტელეხიდი პრეზიდენტ ზვიად გამსახურდიასთან

videointerview of Andrej Skrjabin with president Zviad Gamsakhurdia

ზვიად გამსახურდია და ჯოხარ დუდაევი (ინტერვიუები, გროზნო, 1992 წელი)

Interview with Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Džokhar Dudaev (Grozny, 1992)

იანვარი 18, 2011

Zviad Gamsakhurdia – The Spiritual Mission of Georgia

A LECTURE DELIVERED AT THE IDRIART FESTIVAL IN TBILISI PHILHARMONIC HOUSE 2 MAY, 1990

Dear friends: As it is quite impossible to do justice to such a complex theme in a single lecture, my address will inevitably be in the nature of an overview. I shall try to give a general outline of the problems upon which I and my friends have reflected over the past years, I shall also touch upon the results of separate studies carried out in Georgia as well as in the West.

The plan of the lecture will be as follows: I shall first speak about the ethnogeny of the Georgians. As I am aware that our Western guests are particularly interested in this topic, I shall treat of such aspects that may not be known to them and are given scant attention in present-day Western scholarship. Furthermore, during the long period of Soviet ideological dictatorship much in the history of Georgian culture has been hushed, distorted, and tabooed. This field of knowledge had been placed under a kind of ban, which regrettably, continues to the present day for it is not so easy to shake oneself free of the effects of the hypnosis of that notorious period. Many issues have been falsified and usurped by Soviet imperial scholarship and subjected to its interests. Unfortunately, Georgian scholars too have come under this influence. I do not want to name them personally; they still do not dare to carry on research along lines that would shed light on these issues. All this was being done with momentous and far-reaching objectives in mind. In this connection, a major campaign was launched against the Georgian scholars Ivane Javakhishvili and Niko Marr. The studies of such major scholars as Wilhelm Humboldt and others in the sphere of the ethnogeny of the Iberians were shelved. This was being done with the purpose of instilling an inferiority complex in the Georgian nation. Soviet scholarship, particularly the classics of Marxism-Leninism founded a theory (see Stalin’s theory in this connection) according to which the Georgian nation allegedly took shape in the nineteenth century; prior to the indicated period – this theory would have us believe – it was neither a nation nor did it exist; the advent of capitalism in Georgia in the past century determined according to this theory, the development of the Georgian people into a nation. This is a Marxist theory which prevails to the present day and which some of our scholars cannot get rid of, continuing to labor under it. All this had far-reaching implications.

What is the actual situation with regard to the Georgian ethnogeny? In the twentieth century, the leading Georgian scholars Acad. Ivane Javakhishvili and N. Marr made a study of the genetic roots of the Georgian nation, but their conclusions were bitterly opposed by orthodox Soviet scholarship. At the same time, as noted above, the studies, of the great German scholar Wilhelm Humboldt were passed over in silence. Wherein lay the essence of these studies, why have they been taboo to the present day, and why is modern ethnological and linguistic research not developing in this direction?

To begin with, Humboldt’s research into the Basque language and the ancient population of the Iberian peninsula led him to the conclusion that the primary, autochthonous population of Southern Europe, viz. the Iberian peninsula, Italy, and the Mediterranean islands, was Iberian. This population was called proto-Iberian, the later European population stemming from it. The term Mediterranean race (or people) is also used in scholarship. In order to refer to the people of the Caucasian race use is also made of the terms palaeo-Caucasian or ancient Caucasian race and ancient-Mediterranean race, the terms being interchangeable. I am referring to the population diffused from the Iberian peninsula, into the Mediterranean and Aegean basins, the Balkans, into modern Greece, the Caucasus, and the territory of modern India as well as into Asia Minor and Palestine. This is the area of diffusion of the proto-Iberian people which, according to Humboldt, had many offshoots. These people had a single basic language with many dialectal branches, and even if these di-alects assumed the character of separate languages, they remained kin-dred and developed as mutually related languages. That is why the term proto-Iberian gained currency, to which – as I have just said – the an-cient population of the Iberian peninsula and Italy, in particular, Basque, Lusitanian, Etruscan, Pelasgian, etc. is linked. Further, Marr studied the language of the Sumerians, the ancient Iberian tribes of Asia Minor and Mesopotamia, while the eminent Georgian scholar Mikheil Tsereteli re-searched the genetic relationship of Sumerian and modern Georgian.

Marr’s studies, as well as those carried out by objective representa-tives of Armenian scholars (e.g. Ghapantsian), have shown that a con-siderable part of the Asia Minor population belonged to the proto-Iberian race, represented by the Meskhians or Moschoi, Cappadocians, Colchians, Taochoi, and others. Thus, there are different branches of one and the same people referred to in scholarship as Kartvelian or proto-Iberian while Georgia or the Georgian nation proper – located in the Caucasus – is linked to – the Iberian-Caucasian branch. Of the numerous branches of Iberian, at present Pyrenean (Spanish) Iberian or Basque and Caucasian Iberian or Georgian (with its related tribes in the Northern Caucasus) have survived. The rest have already been assimilated into the Indo-Eu-ropean part of mankind. The Indo-Europeans seem to have arrived in Europe later, viz. after the second millennium B.C., whereas the proto–Iberian or palaeo-Mediterranean and palaeo-Caucasian population is be-lieved to have been on the upgrade from earliest times to the third millennium B.C. The decline of these people, i. e. their numerical diminishment and assimilation by the newly arriving Indo-Europeans, commenced in the third millennium.

From this lime and later, the Hittite and Ancient Greek or Hellenic worlds come to the fore. But there oc-curred a synthesis of cultures: the primary cultures of Minos, the Aegean cultures, and Colchian (Ancient Colchian) cultures, the latter being closely connected with Minoan, became linked to the Mediterranean or proto-Iberian people. Subsequently – from the second millennium B.C. – the Hittite world, which was already Indo-European, began to advance to the foreground, along with the ancient Greek world, stemming from the Vedic Greek tribe that had come to the territory on which later arose the ancient Greek world with its culture. On the basis of the evidence of Greek historians the primordial populalion of ancient Greece is defined as Pelasgic or proto-Iberian. The Pelasgians formed a branch of the proto-Iberians, similarly to the Etruscans, the Colchians, and other peoples. The Colchian, Pelasgian, Trojan, and Minoan were closely related worlds, and for practical purposes of study can be considered as constituting one single world, a world reflected in the great epic of Homer. Modern scholarship’s serious studies of this civilization have not been given adequate publicity. In the West, the well-known scholar Furnee is engaged in research along these lines; he has published a significant study of pre-Greek, or Pelasgic and Kartvelian. In Georgia, Professor Rismag Gordeziani is doing fruitful work in this direction; he too has made important inferences in studying the ethnogeny of the tribes men-tioned in the Iliad, as. well as the role of Kartvelian or proto-Georgian tribes in the Trojan War. Light has been shed in his studies on the ge-netic relation of the Georgian language to Etruscan and of Kartvelian tribes to the Lycians, Carians, and the entire world of Asia Minor and the Aegean – primarily to Troy. The Trojan world was older than the Hellenic, for the Greeks fought in Troy in order to secure the sacred, mysterious wisdom of the Palladium. Troy is the same Colchian world, for in the dispute of the Achaeans with the Trojans the latter explain the abduction of Helen as a kind of revenge for the earlier carrying off of Medea by the Achaeans. The Trojans remonstrate with the Achaeans saying that inasmuch as earlier they had been deprived of a woman i.e. Medea, now Helen had been carried off in retaliation; thus, The Colchians appear in the role of the abductors. The Trojans and the Colchians are a people of the same stock as that which constitutes the population of the entire Mediterranean Basin and the bulk of the popu-lation of Asia Minor. Such are the far-reaching findings of modern scholarship but, as noted above, all this is passed over in silence and instead the role of the Indo-Europeans in that archaic period is being boosted. Yet, as is known, the Indo-European people largely gained ascendancy from the second millennium, and the Trojan War, described in the Illiad, actually occurred at a time when the Indo-Europeans had already gained the upper hand both in Asia Minor and in Greece, while the Pelasgian people were threatened with a decline, though Achilles, the greatest hero of the Trojan War, is of Pelasgic origin, i.e. a representative of the Kartvelian people, while Agamemnon and Menelaus are of purely Hellenic extraction, representing the Hellenic world. Here we are dealing with an obvious conflict between the Hellenic and proto-Georgian worlds: Troy is the proto-Georgian world, whereas the Achaeans represent its Hellenic counterpart. One of the main objectives of the campaign1 one that stands out in the conflict, is to carry off the Palladium, which is symbolically effected through the Trojan horse. True, symbolically we here have the motif of the abduction of a woman, but Helen is the sym-bol of the ancient pagan Sophia (the abduction of Wisdom or Sophia, and its subsequent retrieval is a widespread motif in classical poems), while the horse is known to have been the symbol of intelligence in ancient epic poetry and myths. The Achaean Greek mission of developing intelligence was already a new stage of consciousness, while ancient Colchian, Trojan, Pelasgic culture was a clairvoyant one which preceded intellectual, reasoning culture. Ancient Greek myths was in reality not Greek but Pelasgic, as noted by the eminent German philosopher Schelling, who defined the Pelasgic period in the development of Greece as Sabism, i.e. the period of clairvoyant wisdom. From Greek mythology of the subsequent period we learn that Perseus and other heroes transferred the clairvoyant, Pelasgic culture to a reasoning culture, viz. intellectual, Greek culture.

The Promethean myth is also related to the foregoing. who was Prometheus? Generally speaking, mythos and mythology are not identical notions. Mythos is the universe of myths, while mythology is the in-terpretation, meaning, or logos of this universe of myths, i.e. the logos or reason of mythos. Thus, the Greek myths were created by the Pelasgians while the Hellenes systematized and interpreted them. Homer and Hesiod were not the creators of Greek myths but the systematizers and interpreters of the mythos of the Pelasgic period. They were mythologizers while the names of the mythographers of the Pelasgic period have not come down to us, but the gods – personages of mythos – have survived The principal gods of the ancient Greek pantheon are of Pelasgic origin, including Zeus. A Pelasgic chthonic Zeus whose cult is connected with the oak is known to have existed; Hera was an ancient Pelasgic–Iberian goddess, also Demeter, in connection with whose stem Acad. I. Javakhishvili pointed out that the stem de is absolutely alien to the ancient Greek language. To be sure, meter does mean mother, but de is a stem of purely Iberian origin, de or deda denoting mother-goddess. Thus, Demeter is the image in which the ancient Colchian or Pelasgian mother-goddess became fused with the ancient Greek goddess. This is how the ancient Greek pantheon became grafted, as it were, on the proto-Georgian, proto-Iberian, or Pelasgic pantheon.

To return to Prometheus, the myth of Prometheus is most important from the viewpoint of the evolution of humankind as well as of the ethnogeny of the Georgians, for the myth in question is known to be linked to the Caucasus, and hence it is not fortuitous that the basic de-velopments of the Creek mythos are connected with the Caucasus. Let us recall the expedition of the Argonauts and the chaining of Prometheus to the Caucasus Range – both major events in Creek mythology. The mission of the personages of mythos – their spiritual identity – was always defined by their names. The names of the personages of mythos (as you are aware, myths were created in ancient mysteries by the priests, devotes, and adepts), as well as the names of gods, demigods, titans, and heroes were directly related to their essential function. Thus, Prometheus [Pro-metheia, pro-metheo] in Greek means prophetic thinking, foresight, forethought, while Epimetheus, his brother’s name, means deliberative thinking or afterthought: What does Prometheus stand for? He is a representative of the mankind that must develop prophetic or intuitive thinking, while Epimetheus is to develop reasoning or intellec-tual thought. Prometheus is the son of Iapetus. The latter name is defined by Zeno of Rica as the upper spiritual world – Iapetus, i.e. what strives upward, to the spiritual world.

Thus, Prometheus is the son of the upper or spiritual world, in other words, of prophetic thinking. As observed by Plutarch, ancient Greeck myths – as well as all myths in general – could be interpreted at twelve different levels. One of the principal interpretations of the Prometheus myths in the evolution of mankind is the stage at which thinking becomes chained to man’s physical body with the descent of his soul into it, thus becoming trapped in this physical body. Now, the liberation of Prometheus who is chained to the Caucasus is the liberation of this thinking from the bodily principle. The liberated Prometheus is liberated prophetic thinking, while the chained Prometheus is thinking chained to man’s physical body. This is the stage in mankind’s evolution known as sinking of human essence or soul into the physical body; subsequently, the soul is liber-ated from matter. This is one – the spiritual, philosophical – aspect of the Prometheus myth.

The second aspect is ethnological, namely that Prometheus is the symbol of the ethnos or people that is to develop a culture of mysteries, with all its consequences; viz. of spiritual development , initiation and spiritual thinking. Such is this people, whereas Zeus – viewed from this angle – embodies a people that came to Greece later, established its cult by force, and chained Prometheus to the Caucasus; What was the cause of this punishment? It was the meeting of the representatives of two cultures or peoples in Corinth, one aligned to Prometheus, and the other to Zeus. This was a symbolic reflection of the coming together of two cultures or peoples one was the indigenous, primordial Creek population and the other, newly come, Indo-European or Hellenic. At this meeting, Prometheus and his attendant priests cheat Zeus and his friends in sharing the sacrificial ox. The deception of Zeus’ priests was made possible because the intellect and thinking of Prometheus’ priests were more advanced. It is symbolic of the superior intellectual development of the indigenous people: in other words. Pelasgic culture that the newly come Indo-Europeans found in Greece was superior to theirs. The culture of thought was correspondingly higher; subsequently the Indo-Europeans raised the Greek culture of thought to the highest stage of development. However, this was still the period of the first confrontation of the two peoples, when Prometheus’ priests divide the ox in such a way that the bones and fat fall to Zeus, and the best parts of the animal to themselves. This too is symbolic, for there we are dealing with a dual interpretation of the offering, Zeus’ priests pretending to have deliberately allowed themselves to be cheated. Then Zeus addresses Prometheus:

– The son of Iapetus, the noblest of all rulers, the greatest seer of the future, friend, why did you share the ox thus?

Zeus is late in perceiving what Prometheus has done. Having understood Prometheus’ quality, Zeus refuses to give fire to mankind and chains Prometheus to the Caucasus as a punishment for his having provided men with it. Here fire is a symbol of man’s self. As you know, among the four elements (fire, water, earth and air) it is fire that corresponds to man’s self or identity. Zeus’ refusal to give mankind its identity, which it therefore lacks, and Prometheus’ provision of men with fire, i.e. their identity, reflects a definite stage in the development of mysterious culture when men received the self by descending into the physical body; now the chaining of Prometheus is precisely the stage at which man’s soul and his self descend from the spiritual world into the physical body and man becomes aware of his self. (Incidentally, the burial of the Titans in Tartarus following their struggle with the gods has the same implication). This is the consequence of Prometheus’ provision of mankind with fire, for all culture comes from self, in the same way as civilization follows from the use of fire. We learn from such symbols that Prometheus reflects the culture of mysteries that was primor-dial in ancient Greece and later became located in the Caucasus. which is reflected symbolically in the chaining of Prometheus to the Caucasus.

Prometheus is tormented by Zeus’ eagle. On the one hand, the eagle is a symbol of spiritual flight upward and cognition, and on the other, it symbolizes imperial power and violence that torments Prometheus. Prometheus chained to a rock, or thought chained to the physical body, was released by Heracles.

What does Heracles represent? He represents a new culture of initiation – volitional, heroic initiation – a prototype of Christian initiation. In general, the ancient Greek mysteries were prophetic in character. The central mysteries of ancient Greece were mysteries of “Eloizis”. This is an ancient Greek word and means a future event, what is to come to pass, prophecy. The image of Heracles is a prototype of Christian initiation, linked to volition, the activity of the soul and particularly to what is called taking of the Kingdom of Heaven by force in Christianity, for the essence of the Christian initiation is interpreted by Christ as the taking of the Kingdom of Heaven by force (“The Kingdom of Heaven is taken by the power of will”). Thus the feats of Heracles should be understood symbolically as the various stages of initiation of the different levels of spiritual development, culminating in the liberation of Prometheus, or the liberation of thought from the captivity of the physical body, and the redemption of mankind.

The foregoing interpretation of myths has ethnological implications, mythology and ethnology being closely related. The myths suggest the liberation of the people that had been chained or relegated to the Caucasus by Zeus or an Indo-European people. Thu the past and the future of the proto-Georgian or proto-Iberian people found reflection in the myth of Prometheus. Heracles – as already observed – is a symbolic expression of a new initiatory culture, viz. Christian culture, and by the way, this is so not only in modern spiritual science but in medieval theology as well. Even in Byzantine theology we come across writings hinting at Heracles being a prototype of Christ. For example, Heracles’ causing water to gush from a rock with his wand is considered a prototype of Christianity. The voyage of the Argonauts is also a prototype of Christian initiation; nor is it accidental that the Golden Fleece is referred to in spiritual science as the classical Grail. The Golden Fleece in the Classical period was the same as the Grail and the philosophers’ stone in the Middle Ages, the two being identical notions. Search for the philosophers’ stone is not only a search for physical gold but also a search for spiritual initiation for god, and for a definite developmental level of spiritual consciousness conveyed in Classical Greek mysteries as a quest for the Golden Fleece. The latter, as you are well aware, was preserved in Colchis, the golden ram having flown to Colchis from Greece/ But this was a period when Pelasgic culture was flourishing in Greece, namely the Pelasgic culture of Argos. It is not fortuitous that the ship was called Argo, for the. stem of the word is of Colchian provenance; note the Georgian place names Argo, Argveti, Egrisi, containing the Colchian stem gr. The expedition to Colchis was symbolically or imagi-nativelv undertaken in quest of mysterious wisdom which at the time was preserved in Colchis alone, no longer existing in the territory of Greece or in the countries of the Mediterranean basin. Consider also Theseus’ travel to Crete – again to acquire the wisdom that no longer existed in Classical Greece.

Note that the greatest heroes of Greece, Theseus, Heracles, and Jason (incidentally, Heracles too was on board the Argo), set out in quest of spiritual or mysterious wisdom in countries of proto-Georgian, proto–Iberian origin. Minoan Crete was one such country (incidentally Minos means a bearer of reason, a thinker); Theseus’ arrival in Crete, his entrance of the labyrinth; slaying of the Minotaur, and coming out pur-ported the adoption of the Minoan cultute that was older than and superior to ancient Greek culture.

The same refers to ancient Colchian culture which was at the time at a higher level than its Greek counterpart. (It is not accidental that Aeetes’ sister Pasiphae was Minos’ wife). Thus, the expeditions of these heroes were invariably directed to Kartvelian countries. Heracles too goes to the Garden of the Hesperides in Spanish Iberia to fetch the apples.

The myth of Orpheus, too, gives his main objective as the revival of the cult of his Pelasgian ancestors. Orpheus was of Pelasgian origin, the son of Oeagrus (incidentally, the name of Orpheus’ father directly coin-cides with the name of Colchis: Egrisi, Egri). His purpose was to breathe new life into Pelasgian culture that had declined in the Hellenic period.

As for the voyage of the Argonauts, as noted above, it deals with dif-ferent stages of ancient Greek, specifically Doric, initiation, and it is no mere chance that Doric – active – initiation is. related to the Colchian world. Now, in medieval Byzantine theology, Germanus the Patriarch of Constantinople wrote his Miracles of the Archangels describing the voy-age of the Argonauts to Colchis; the expedition is under the patronage of the Christian Archangel Michael. The Archangel, “a terrible power sent from heaven” reveals himself to the Argonauts, predicting their future success. You will have noted the peculiar interpretation of the pagan myth by Germanus – at first sight a representative of the exoteric Church: the “terrible power sent from heaven” is the Archangel Michael, and the voyage of the Argonauts is linked to the mission of Michael – the principal solar archangel of Christianity – power of God, as he is de-fined. (Significantly enough, Gernianus the Patriarch was of Colchian origin – a Laz).

Such are the links between pagan and Christian initiation, connected with proto-Georgian mysterious centers.

In Pindar’s Fourth Ode, Jason – as a figure and hero – is referred to as panther-skinned; he is not only the procurer of the Golden Fleece but a panther-skin hero as well. In general, panther-skin heroes are related to the proto-Georgian world. However, panther-skin priests occur in Egyptian mysteries too. Incidentally, the Trojan Paris also wears a pan-ther skin, as do other Trojan heroes. The Dionysiac processions too were led by a panther, Dionysus himself wearing a panther’s skin. Thus the skin of a panther is an ancient totemic image of Japhetic mankind or the Caucasian race.

Now, I should like to go back to the discussion of the ancient, proto–Iberian race. It will be recalled that Acad. Marr’s terms Japhetic race and Japhetic language have gained ground in scholarship. What does this imply?

You are aware of the existence of the notion of Semitic peoples and languages, as well as of Hamitic peoples related to ancient Egypt, and generally Africa. There is also the Japhetie race. The three Biblical brothers symbolically reflect branches of humankind, viz. Noah reflects the Atlantic or pre-Flood humanity i.e. the developmental stage of mankind before Atlantis was swallowed up by the sea, while his children were representatives of the post-Atlantis human race. Japhetic is one of their branches and incidentally, the Japheth of the Old Testament is related to the Iapetus of ancient Greek mythology. It is not fortuitous that Iapetus was Prometheus’ father; Japheth is identical to Iapetus, as is also the planet Jupiter and Jupiter’s race, white race. As is known, in esoterism the races are related to the planets: the White race to Jupiter, the Black to Mercury, the Red to Venus, and the Yellow or Mongolian to Mars. The first substrate of Jupiter’s race is precisely this Japhetic, proto-European or proto-Iberian mankind. This is how the mission of the proto-European, palaeo-Caucasian and Mediterranean people is linked to that of Jupiter’s race. So much for the Classical, pagan period.

Now apropos of the Christian period. The advent of Christianity in Georgia is connected with the opening centuries of our era. The presence of two Apostles Andrew and Simon the Cananaian – in Georgia is not accidental; these were the first and the last apostles. Andrew was the first called, while Simon was the last to come to Christ, this being the symbol of their representing the alpha and omega; i.e. the beginning and the end. What part did the Kartvelian peoples play in the development of Christianity, in particular of Christianity propounded by the Archangel Michael, and why is the land called Georgia?

As you know, the Archangel Michael had prototypes in the Classical, i.e. pre-Christian, period. This was a being that appeared in the shape of gods protecting fertility, as gods of the weather or thunderstorms, such as Indra in ancient India, Marduk in the Mesopotamian world, Tarhu in the palaeo-Caucasian world – a panther skin god of thunderstorm. In caves, this god was always depicted as attired in the panther’s skin. The panther skin is an attribute of a being known in antiquity under the name of Indra, Marduk, Tarhu, and in the Christian period as Michael and Saint George. Saint George is the earthly aspect of Michael. Michael represents the spiritual world, i.e. the mental aspect, whereas St. George is Michael’s aspect on the historical plane, i.e. in the physical world. But how did the name George become linked to our country?

Already the ancient Greeks called the Georgian georgoi because of the advancement of agriculture in this country. Georgos means “a tiller of the ground” but, at the same time, the cult of St. George is connected with fanning, particularly with the control of fertility, weather, atmospheric phenomena. This was the case in early Georgia – hence the Georgian national deity: White George. Now, the Christian St. George was a historical figure, being at the same time the earthly image of the spiritual Archangel Michael, both slayers of the dragon. This image and its worship were most congenial to the Georgian people, hence Christianity in Georgia acquired the worship of St. George. Christianity in its pure form existed for the clergy, the feudal class and the royal court, but. popular Christianity in Georgia may be said to have merged with the worship of St. George. However, this does not mean that the cult of George eclipsed Christianity. In George the Georgians perceived not only a Cappadocian saint but a Christian God as well, seeing God in the combative, dragon-slaying image of St. George. Thus Michael’s spiritual aspect of Christianity was the closest to Georgia. The name of the country became linked to George, who later became not only the principal saint of the Georgian nation but also the image of a Christian God. It should be noted that theology knows of different images and aspects of God. Even in the Apocalypse, the Messiah, God, or Christ is represented as a heavenly rider on a white horse (Rev. 19, 11-15). The familiar traditional images of Christ do not exhaust His essence. There is also another image – a fighting, dragon-slaying one – as found in the Revelation. This is precisely the prototype of St. George that proved most congenial to the Georgians. By the way, the eminent Georgian scholar Ivane Javakhishvili noted that the cult of St. George in Georgia was an un-precedented phenomenon. Cases are on record of the festivals of the Trinity, Christmas and Easter being “absorbed” by the – festival of St. George, and of churches built in the name of the festivals just cited being identified with St. George; Thus, St. George is identified with God, for he is an image not only of a particular saint but of God as well.

Incidentally, the American scholar Jobes observes that St. George holds the same position in Georgia as Christ does. But this is wrong, for we are dealing not with the similarity of positions but with Christianity in Georgia being imaginatively or symbolically presented in a militant aspect. Essentially, Georgian Christianity may be said to be militant Christianity. It is a Christianity of knights, fighters, and it may be said also that Georgia was a single spiritual Order of St. George, and it was perceived as such by the Crusaders and by foreign visitors of the country, this leading to the establishment of the designation Georgia, which of course comes from the pagan period.

It was only foreigners that per-ceived the Georgians in this way. True, the Georgians did not use the word Georgian as a self-designation, but we are all well aware of the level of the cult of St. George in Georgia, and of the role this saint and its image plays in Georgian history. There is no other image that would express the national character more adequately. Here we should recall the principal monuments of Georgian literature and their relation to Michael’s Christianity – the worship of St. George. The Second aspect of Christian Georgia’s mission is linked to Georgia being a country fallen by lot to the Mother of God. Why is Georgia assigned to the Mother of God? This is because the principal divinity of the Japhetid or Kartvelian people was Mother-Goddess appearing in various aspects in different branches of this people, hence her name myrionym, i.e. with myriad names. This was the central mother-goddess found by the Greek colonists in Phasis, her large statue standing at the entrance to Phasis. In this country it is known as “mother-goddess” or “mother of the place” represented as Demeter or Hera in proto-Kartvelian countries. The cult of Artemis stems from this goddess, a parallel cult existing in Svaneti as the cult of Dali. As you know, the cult of Asia Minor goddesses is related to this ancient Japhetic mother-goddess. Now, the Mother of God of the Christian period is the Christian aspect of the same goddess – the Christian image of the being that was closest to this people and herein lies the mystic predetermination. When the Apostles cast lots to determine the country in which each should preach, Georgia fell to the Mother of God because the country was traditionally linked most to the mission of the mother of God, which is the same as that of the Holy Spirit.

As you know, the Trinity, i.e. Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, is characterized by many aspects or multiformity. The hypostasis of the son, i.e. the second mode, is manifested in the Divine-majusculine aspect of the Trinity, whereas the Holy Spirit is revealed in the feminine aspect or in the Mother of God. In his writings, Gregory of Nyssa states that the Holy Spirit is manifested in the Mother of God, the latter being the earthly embodiment and action of the Holy Spirit. The mission of the latter is directly related to that of the Mother of God. What is this mission? It is one of sanctification, i.e. the purification of humankind and, at the same time exposure to be effected by this principle, similar to the mission of Michael-George, viz., the development of spiritual thinking and the crushing of the universal serpent or dragon of materialism of universal evil, saving mankind thereby.

It is these two aspects that are linked closest to Georgia’s spiritual mission. Michael’s Christianity and St. George’s Christianity are two aspects of the same phenomenon, on the one hand, and Sophian Christianity or Christianity connected with the Mother of God, on the other, is the aspect of Christianity which is manifested in the Mother of God or Sophia. In Classical times this being emerged as the goddess of fertility, mother goddess, or earth, while in Christianity it is manifested as Sophia or divine, cosmic wisdom. Sophia is one of the designations of the Mother of God – an image of the Mother of God or the Holy Spirit. Wisdom emanating from the Holy Spirit is expressed in Sophia. These two aspects are basic to Georgia’s spiritual mission, being reflected in Georgian theology, art, and litera-ture.

Before passing on to other problems, I shall briefly touch on Svetit-skhoveli. I know that today our guests visited Svetitskhoveli, in Mtskheta. Svetitslhoveli is the church in which Georgia’s mission, Georgian spirituality, and Georgian Christianity have found most profound and all-round reflection. You are aware of the uniqueness of this church. for, as far as I know, in no other Christian church can one find a cult pillar. A pillar, more precisely two pillars, did exist in the temple built by Solomon in Jerusalem, while here a Christian temple has been built around a pillar. The pillar was the initial foundation of this church. The story of its construction is linked to that of the raising of the pillar, the latter symbolically embodying the Tree of Life. Historically, too, a cedar, which is a symbol of the tree of life, had grown at the site. The cedar was cut down and, by the prayers of St. Nino, the Angels raised it and the first church of St. Nino was constructed on the spot. Svetitskhoveii was built later at the same site. It is an allegorical church, similar to the house of the Lord built by Solomon. In what sense is the latter allegorical?

Two pillars were erected by Solomon in the temple, one embodying the tree of life and the other the tree of knowledge. Now, in Svetitskhov-eli we have a single pillar. The question may be asked as to the reason for this difference. It is because Solomon’s temple was connected with the Old Testament, i.e. esoteric Judaism, when the tree of life and the tree of knowledge were still separate, whereas the mission of Christian initiation is a harmonic merger of the tree of life and the tree of knowledge into an integral whole, hence the single pillar in Svetitskhoveli in contrast to the two of Solomon’s edifice. This also points to the unity of esoteric Judaism and esoteric Christianity. As is known, there was a Jewish community in Mtskheta that adopted Christianity at an early date, for they saw the unity between esoteric Judaism and Christianity.

One representative of the Mtskhetan Jews was present at the crucifixion of Christ. Our Lord’s tunic falling to him by lot, the man brought it to Mtskheta where it was buried under the pillar, together with his sister Sidonia. The lord’s tunic is a symbol of cosmic ether that envelops Christ, and the tree of life, which rises above the place where the tunic is buried, is connected with it. Merged in this tree of life is also the tree of knowledge which stood separate at the pre-Christian stage; here is given the ideal of the future – the mission of future Christianity. Other symbols of Svetitskhoveli also point to the extensive development of esoteric Christianity in Georgia Thus, on the southern wall of Svetitskhoveli we see St. George with a lion and a panther. Let us recall the struggle or the principal character of The Man in the Panther’s Skin with a lion and a panther. I should note at this point that in some Georgian bas-re-liefs, e.g. the Mravaldzali one, St. George is slaying a panther rather than a dragon. The panther is identified with the dragon slain by St. George, i.e. a symbol of the base instincts that are defeated by the human self in the process of initiation. This is what we perceive on the southern wall of Svetitskhoveli. On the political level this a symbol of fighting Georgia, of fighting Orthodox Christian Georgia that vanquishes political Islam – the panther or Turkey, and the lion or Iran. This basrelief is amenable to such an interpretation too. On the inner southern wall of Svetitskhoveli we find the depiction of an apocalyptic Judgment Day, featuring many symbols interesting from the esoteric point of view, including an image of a panther as an apocalyptic beast. In this fresco the beast is depicted as a spotted panther. In general, the panther in Rustaveli’s poem is spotted. Such esoteric symbols are numerous in Georgian churches, calling for a special study and interpretation. I shall merely observe that the motifs of the Grail are very frequent in Georgian frescoes. Such motifs occur in Gelati which, as is known, was an Orthodox Montsalvat, the seat of the culture of the Grail in Georgia – the Grail Christianity was blended with the Orthodox Church in Georgia.

In the West the exoteric or Catholic Church was separated from its esoteric counterpart, a Crusade being declared against the latter. In Georgia, however, the two formed a unity, on account of which David the Builder was called King-Priest John. What does King-Priest John mean and how should we define the period in the evolution of mankind that is linked to King-Priest John? In this connection we must recall Wolfram von Eschenbach’s poem Parziwal. King-Priest John is the son of Parzival’s half brother Feirefiz.

Now, Feirefiz means a “black-and-white son”. What is the significance of black-and-white? It is well known that in medieval chivalrous romances and poems the characters symbolically embody some path or idea, in other words these characters are personifications. Parzival, in particular, is the personification of the initiatory path of the West; he sets out in quest of the Grail and finds it. Feirefiz represents the integration of the Eastern and Western paths. That is why he is black-and-white, i.e. a blend of the white race with a darker one. He is black-and-white for the additional reason that in him Western Christian wisdom is blended with Arabic wisdom, as is the case with the Templars. The movement of the Templars was the Western path of initi-ation transferred to the East where it absorbed the oriental wisdom, namely Arabic-Persian, yielding a hybrid – the black-and-white Feirefiz, an embodiment of oriental Templar movement with its oriental coloring. Old Georgian chivalry was connected with this Templar order, primarily David the Builder, the Georgia of Queen Tamar’s epoch, and Shota Rustaveli. The Templar movement is not only a Western phenomenon, for we have evidence of the closest links between Georgian knights and the Templars. It was a movement that united Western and Eastern wisdom, Western and Eastern initiation. This is why King-Priest John is the son of the black-and-white half brother of Parzival. In the Chronicles of the Crusades King-Priest John is identified with David the Builder; however, this is not only a symbol of the person of David the Builder but in general a symbol of the totality of wisdom that was born in the West and later fused with oriental wisdom. The Tabronit or the Caucasian Uplands, mentioned in Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Parzival, is the offspring culture of this synthesized wisdom. As the poem is allegorical, Georgia is not referred to directly in it. Not a single historically known country or person is mentioned in Eschenbach’s poem; it contains only symbolic and allegorical names of countries and personages, the personifications of this or that movement or path of initiation being represented by various characters; thus Parzival’s father Gahmuret is a symbol of the stage when the movement of the Grail had not yet taken shape and the Grail Christianity had not appeared on the scene. Parzival is a symbol of the Grail movement itself, while Feirefiz – as already noted – is the symbol of the Grail or Templar movement transferred to the East; Eschenbach directly points to Tauronit or Georgia as the source of all this. Georgia’s pseudonym, as it were, in the work under discussion is Tauronit or Tabronit. This is because the word is related to Taurus or the culture of the bull; as you know, the culture of the Bull in the proto-Georgian or proto-Iberian world was the leading one while, cosmically, the period of the bull reigned.

Recall the Cretan-Minoan cult of the Bull, the cult of the Minotaur, the struggle with it, and so on. In this connection Eschenbach refers to it as the source of the culture of mysteries. It is to this Caucasian mountain range, this Tauronit, this fabulous land where King-Priest John reigns, that Eschenbach points to as the source of everything, viz. mysterious wisdom and mysterious culture. This is hinted at in Eschenbach’s Parzival which, as you know, is not easy to decipher and interpret. Researchers are confronted with a number of difficulties when trying to conjecture the intent of the ciphered proper names or geographical designations. But we are more or less able to draw conclusions, for the poet points particularly to the Caucasian mountains and a land adjacent to the Caucasus as the source of the mysterious culture and the abode of King-Priest John in whose realm is the seat of spiritual wisdom. Incidentally, the Crusaders referred to the land as spiritual India as well; this was because in the Middle Ages India was not only a geographical term but was often used in the spiritual sense too as the homeland of spiritual, mysterious culture. India is mentioned similarly in The Man in the Panther’s Skin, but without reference to geographical or historical India. The same is the reference to India in Nizami Ganjevi’s Iskander-namah, implying a world of mysteries. Hence the coincidences between the Georgian and Western cultures. Regrettably, history has not preserved much about the relationships between countries in the period under discussion, and whatever has survived still awaits study. Nevertheless, such creations as The Man in the Panther’s Skin, Odes, the chivalrous romances of the West, and Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Parzival, give indications of the intensive relations existing at the time between Georgia and the Western countries. Take, for instance, the striking kinship of The Man in the Panther’s Skin and Amiran-Darejaniani with the Western chivalrous romances, though the former have their own highly peculiar specificity. Here too is the mission of Georgian culture highlighted. The traditions of Oriental and Western literature are given in these works as a single whole. From the cultural viewpoint, Georgia’s mission is to synthesize the Western and Oriental cultures, presenting them as an integral whole. This is why The Man in the Panther’s Skin can be considered equally the possession both of Western and of Oriental literature. No division or separation is possible here. That is why, Pitareti – that major monument of Georgian archi-tecture – may be classified as an example of Christian architecture as well as that of Eastern architecture. Here elements of Western and East-em cultures always merged.

This is our vision of Georgia’s cultural mission. Unfortunately, many topics have remained outside of our discussion, for it is impossible to cover everything in one lecture. We shall probably have some more lec-tures and talks, and it is desirable to provide information about this to the West, for much there remains unknown about Georgian culture and Georgia’s spiritual path. Regrettably coverage hitherto has been given rather to the external aspects of our history and culture, and meetings like this should facilitate further mutual understanding and exchange of knowledge and information.

Q&A

If the audience wishes I can answer questions. This may render the discussion more interesting. I shall welcome questions around the topics of my talk. Today we shall devote our time to a discussion. of questions dealing only with the present theme.

Question: What is the difference between Georgian (Kartuli) and Kartvelian (Kartveluri)?

As I noted at the beginning, these two terms should be differentiated. To be sure, the difference between Georgian and Kartvelian is not es-sential, yet there is a difference in shade. Georgian refers to Georgia proper, to everything related to Georgia’s history and language – all that we know from our history and which is within this geographical area. Kartvelian is a much broader and comprehensive notion. Kartvelian are tribes that are not Karts, nor Kartvels (Georgians) proper, but of Kartvelian stock. This may be compared to the relationship of the Semites and Hebrews. Kartvelian is an ethnic conception, being more comprehensive than national. There is Georgian nationality, but Kartvelian people or ethnos, another name for which is Japhetic. It is rather these palaeo-Caucasian or Japhetic peoples that may be said to constitute the ethnos. As there exists a Semitic people, so is there a Japhetic one.

This Japhetic people is Kartvelian. The Kartvelian lan-guages stem precisely from this primary Japhetic language which we call proto-Georgian. The separation of the Kartve]ian languages from this Japhetic language is assumed to have occurred from the third millennium B.C., as we learn from the book of Gamkrelidze and Ivanov, as well as from Marr’s studies. I shall probably devote a separate lecture to the book just mentioned, but here I should like to note its clear tendency to belittle the role the proto-Georgian world played historically, and which has been dealt with in the studies of a number of scholars. All this is relegated to the background in the book in question, while Indo-European is given prominence. However, the positive side of the book is the dating of the disintegration of the proto-Georgian parent language into separate languages and dialects in the third millennium which, according to my own theory, is related to Ioane-Zosime’s Praise and Glorification of the Georgian Language, which stales that the Georgian people or the Georgian language (language in Ioane-Zosime’s work implies the people as well) “has been dead four days” and “one day totals one thousand years” The death of this language began four days or four thousand years ago, i.e. in the third millennium B.C. Ioane-Zosime uses “death” because the language had lost its old area of diffusion and significance.

This was followed by a Lazarus-like rising from the dead of these people and language, as Ioane-Zosime relates. In his work these people are compared symbolically to Lazarus. It may be said that here is implied not only Georgia but the entire Kartvelian ethnos; to this is related that proto-Georgian or proto-Iberian world which extended from the Iberian Peninsula to India, and – as hypothesized by N. Marr and H. Johnstone – there existed a primordial Basque-Caucasian-Dravidian language – older than the Hamitic parent Language, and the basis of all languages, this being a glottogonic or language-forming phenomenon; it was the primary language of the priests, and in general, the beginning of languages.

Such is Marr’s theory, for which Stalin rebuked him; Marr’s theory was anathematized because it gave an objective interpretation of the prehistoric period and the origin of the Georgian language. Our national movement too has some criticism to level against Marr. True, he did make anti-Georgian statements dictated by political considerations of the day, but his elucidation of the prehistoric period of development of the Georgian language and the Georgian people was very objective and profound. That is why he was denounced in Soviet scholarship under Stalin’s leadership.

Question: What is the role of the peoples of the Kartvelian stock in the development of Christianity?

The peoples of the Kartvelian stock play a major role in the development of Christianity. The Semitic peoples played the principal role in paving the way for Christianity in the period of the Old Testament, while in Christianity proper – in its development Kartvelian and Indo–European peoples play the main part. The ancient Greeks are related, as you know, to peoples of Indo-European origin. Ioane-Zosime’s Praise -and Glorification, tells us that the two sisters – Mary and Martha – may be compared to Nino and Queen Helen. Nino is a symbol of the Kartvelian people and of Georgian Christianity, whereas Helen is a sym-bol of Greek Christianity, the relationship of Mary to Nino being the same as that of Martha to Helen. As you know, Mary is a symbol of mystic contemplation – a symbol of mystic theology, or esoteric Chris-tianity, whereas Martha is a symbol of the intellectual, rational path – a symbol of dogmatic Christianity which developed rather in Greece; In other words, representatives of the Georgian ethnos in Christianity tend to follow the path of mysticism and esoteric theology. Take, for example, Dionysius the Areopagite, or Peter the Iberian, Saint Nicholas Thau-maturge, and Saint George himself – all are representatives of the Kartvelian ethnos. This is how Lazarus becomes linked, as a symbol, to the Georgian people. As we know, Lazarus is John not only in spiritual science, but a number of Western exegetes identify Lazarus with John. Incidentally, this identification is clearly seen in Georgian folklore too; there exists here a folk cult of Lazarus which is the god of rain, the same as Elijah; thus Georgian folklore identifies Elijah with Lazarus.

John-Lazarus is the symbol of the Georgian language, the Georgian people that must rise after this four-day death-like sleep. This is Ioane–Zosime’s message in his Praise and Glorification of the Georgian Lan-guage.

Question: What is, in your opinion, the relationship between Kartlos and Haos?

It should be said, inter alia, that Leonti Mroveli’s work, as well as others of the kind, reflect profound esoteric wisdom. He states that both Kartlos and Haos are descendants of Japheth, that they had one progenitor, and that the Japhetic people are the ancestors of Haos or the pri-mary ethnos from which the present-day Armenian nation stems.

The latter ethnos was very closely related to the primary Georgian ethnos, hence comes the story of the brotherhood of Haos and Kartlos. I do not think that we are here dealing with seniority, for this is a very ancient epoch, and it is extremely difficult to determine the period when the Armenian ethnos took shape as a separate nation. In this connection, the seventh-sixth centuries B.C. are named as the time of the advent of the Armens in Hayasa. This is the first country very closely related to the Colchian world; thus, it is well known from the specialist literature that Old Armenian or Grabar has preserved Laz and proto-Georgian roots, and that proto-Georgian played a major role in the development of this language. This is noted, e.g. by the well-known Armenian scholar C. Toumanoff. Hence Marr believed Armenian to be a semi-Japhetic and semi-Indo-European language because it contains elements of both. This gives rise to the idea of the ancient kinship and unity, as found in Leonti Mroveli.

Question What is the relationship of the Basque and Georgian worlds?

About Basque and Georgian I can say that Basque is – like Georgian – a proto-Iberian language, but they have been separated from each other for great periods of time and have been developing separately so long as to render the establishment of their genetic relationship difficult. This relationship is being established rather by means of place names, sepa-rate phrases, and forms, as well as by the cultural-historical comparative method. Today Basque and Georgian do not scorn to be genetically re-lated languages; however, this does not mean that the Basque and Geor-gian worlds did not form a single whole in antiquity. As I have said, this was one people, one race, and one language, but later Basque assumed such individuality that today scholars even find it hard to establish ge-netic relationship. There exists a different approach, based as I have said – on Humboldt’s well-known work on Basque. The work has not been translated into Georgian and, by the way, it is being boycotted; for definite reasons the study has always been ignored, but it is our task to have it translated into Georgian and circulated in the country, so that the Georgians might learn of their real origin. As you know, Western science has no greater authority than Humboldt; however, according to the latest studies of modern Kartvelologists (Jan Braun, and others), the view is gaining ground on Basque being a fourth Kartvelian language.

Question: What relation is there between Lazarus and the Georgian language?

In Ioane-Zosime the raising of Lazarus implies the raising of the Georgian nation, and not only of the Georgian people but of the entire Georgian ethnos in its distribution in the prehistoric period, i.e. to the time of Lazarus’ falling asleep, or the third millennium B.C., when this ethnos diminished, being decimated by the Indo-Europeans; it survived only in the Iberian peninsula, Asia Minor, and the Caucasus. The rais-ing will again revive this nation, when it will regain the position it held in the prehistoric period – a leading position, the position of mankind’s spiritual teacher. This is implied in Ioane-Zosime’s statement to the ef-fect that on the Judgment Day God will judge all the languages through this language. And this means that the Georgian people will be the chief bearer of spirituality, i.e., Christianity, and that it will judge the sinful humankind.

Question: What relation is there between Prometheus and Amirani?

Amirani must be a later name of Prometheus. We lack evidence to prove that in prehistoric times Prometheus was called Amirani. In Geor-gia, Amirani (‘Amir’) is related to the advent of Persian culture in Geor-gia. Amiran Darejanisdze (Amir andare jehan – “ruler of the country”) is a Persian term.

In general, the extant version of the folk legend on Amirani must be of later origin. The prehistoric myth of Amirani found reflection in the Georgian folk tradition, but the name is altered. The name Amirani is obviously of Persian provenance, and it does not seem to reflect the identity of this character. In the proto-historic period the hero must have had an older, proto-Georgian correspondence. Generally speaking, it was not only such personages that had proto-Georgian correspondences. Take, e.g. the derivation of the eponym “Kardu” of the Georgians. It is the name of the mountain that was called Kardu – the name of a Babylonian god. Mountains were given the names of gods, Kardu being the name of Ararat, called Nisir in the Sumerian period. Neither these place names nor characters bear old names any longer. And I am convinced, this hero referred to as Prometheus, was not called Amirani; the latter name must have been given to him in the Middle Ages.

Question: What could you say about the relationship of the Abkhazian and Georgian languages?

As you know Adyghe and other Caucasian languages are of Iberian – -Caucasian origin; there is a genetic relationship between those languages and Georgian, there also is a genetic relationship between the Karvelian languages too. The Abkhazians fail to understand this, hence this ethnic strife. Their origin is indeed Ibero-Caucasian, and had they knowledge of their descent they might have never started such conflicts with their kindred nation. In general, the peoples of the Northern Caucasus are genetically related, and so are heir languages. This has been thoroughly researched by our celebrated scholar Arnold Chikobava, and Iberian–Caucasian linguistics and Ibero-Caucasian peoples were his favourite terms. By the way, this means that Ibero-Caucasian is not exclusive in the Iberian world; there is, e.g. Iberian of the Pyrenees, and so on; thus, lberian-Caucasian is only one part of the Iberian world that comprises the North-Caucasian peoples too.

Question: In what relation is Mazdeanism to the Georgian spiritual world?

Historically, the Georgian nation has been in contact with many cul-tures and religions, and there are indications that at a definite period the Mazdeanic cult was practised here: the cult of the goddess Anahita, and many other cults. However, this was not leading or essential in our spiritual culture. Thus, it is still problematic whether the Armazian cul-ture was Zoroastrian, and whether it had anything in common with Zoroastrian culture and Mazdeanisrn. Nor has the kinship of Ahura Mazda and Armazi been demonstrated.

Question: What is anthroposophy?

Anthroposophy is a spiritual science in modern Europe – a science of the spirit, spread in Western countries. As I have said, it is a Christian movement, viz. Michael’s Christianity. I should note, however, that some people erroneously take anthroposophy for a religion. It is not a religion or confession but a cognitive trend. Hence the opposition – heard occa-sionally – of Orthodoxy to anthroposophy is wrong. This is the same as opposing Orthodoxy to a follower of Hegel. The point is that anthro-posophy has no confessional claims; it is a cognitive path.

True, in the West there does exist a religious community – its outgrowth; but Rudolf Steiner, the founder of anthroposophy, was not a creator of a new reli-gion or confession. He was a follower of Christ and Christianity, and the creator of a new cognitive form of Christianity. So there should not be a confusion of terms here. As I mentioned above, there are many branches of anthroposophic science: anthroposophic medicine, biology, pedagogy. In particular, anthroposophic medicine played an outstanding role here in the treatment of those poisoned on 9 April when these patients failed to respond to the treatment prescribed by traditional physicians and to drags, representatives of anthroposophic medicine arrived with remedies, developed in their school, which saved many persons.

I should like to add also that in one of his lectures R Steiner ranks the Orthodox cult much higher than its Catholic counterpart. I can cite the relevant passage from the lecture. In general, Steiner was closely connected with Orthodox philosophy, particularly with the philosophy of Vladimir Solovyov, considering him – an Orthodox philosopher – as one of his forerunners. In his cycle of lectures, read in 1922 and entitled. “Super-sensible Influences in the History of Mankind”, Steiner says: “In the Catholic church the cult and ritual are rather of the character of symbols to be viewed by the eye, whereas in the Eastern Orthodox church it is something that reaches the soul with the profoundest reverence”. Thus, he sharply differentiates these two cults from each other, himself tending rather to the Orthodox cult as being more conge-nial to him. This is seen also from the lectures he delivered at Oxford, in which he speaks of the profound esoterism in the Eastern Church, or the mysterious doctrine owned by the Church. As I noted earlier, in the East esoterism was not divorced from exoterism, whereas in the West it was, with attendant conflicts and persecution of exoterism – something never occurring in the Eastern Orthodox world.

Question. What is the origin of the Grail?

The etymology of the Grail stems from old Provencal, and probably, by its root from the Cappadocian term gratsal; and generally speaking, the Grail movement was also the creation of the Kartvelian ethnos. The Cappadocian ethnos, which was the same as Kartvelian or proto-Iberian ethnos, was the principal founder of the Grail movement. Titurel – the first owner of the Grail, was a Cappadocian by nationality, i. e. of Kartvelian origin.

The mention of the Cappadocians on Pentecost, the day of the descent of the Holy Spirit (Acts of the Apostles 2.10), is far from accidental. The Cappadocians were present at the descent of the Holy Spirit, and the mission of the Grail is that of the Holy Spirit – a symbol of the Mother of God; the owner of the Holy Spirit. The Grail is a bearer of the Holy Spirit and the Grail is one imbued with the grace of the Holy Spirit, The Grail movement or the Grail Christianity was created precisely by the Iberian peoples. It was created first in Cappado-cia, and later in Provence and Languedoc, populated largely by peoples of Iberian and Celt-Iberian race. The Celt-Iberians were the same Iberians by origin, with whom the Celts merged at a later period. The migration of the Celts began in the third century B.C., continuing later too. The Celtiberian ethnos took shape later, yet it was of Iberian origin. The Celtiberian people too were linked to Cappadocia, and it was from Cappadocia – this Meskhian or Moschian, and Zan land – that the Grail Christianity and movement came. Incidentally, in Kartli there is a village named Grakali. Inasmuch as the initial name of this bowl was ratsal, Grakali and ratsal are obviously related words, and this place must be connected with the Grail. I am deeply convinced of the reference to the Grail in Shavteli’s Odes, in which it is defined as “a bowl of graces, for the purification of the people”.

As you know, the Grail is a bowl; it is mentioned in Georgian folklore, namely in Connection with the campaign of Saint George hero of Georgian folklore – in Kajaveti together with Kopala and Iakhsar; from there St. George brings back a howl which, I am fully convinced, is the Grail. Thus, the descent of St. George into the nether world is connected with the bringing back of the Grail; in other words, this is a symbol of initiation. It is in this way that the Grail became linked to Georgian culture, folklore, and history. The principal motifs of the Gelati mural paintings are connected with the Grail. The child Jesus, held by the Gelati Virgin, bears an imprint of the Grail on his forehead, pointing to the closest link of the Grail with Georgian cul-ture. As for The Man In the Panther’s Skin, it may be said to be a poem of the Grail because the Grail’s symbols are synonyms treasure, precious stones and pearls, philosophers’ stone and a virgin, i.e. the rescu-ing of a virgin from captivity in the nether world is the same as retriev-ing the Grail. In this case, the maiden embodies the anima or the soul and the release of the anima from the dragon’s captivity is precisely the aim of initiation. This is given in The Man In the Panther’s Skin, for in it is depicted the path of heroic initiation. Allegorically, chivalry is in general related to initiation, being its institution; hence its principal aim was the descent into the nether world and the retrieval of the Grail, or the rescuing of the holy principle from the bondage of evil powers.

Question: How is it proved that the Pelasgians and the Sumerians were not Indo-Europeans?

This is proved by linguistic evidence. In the first place, the eminent Georgian scholar M. Tsereteli has demonstrated that the Sumerians were not Indo-Europeans, and that today only Kartvelian languages are related to Sumerian. The Indo-European languages are not related to these languages. As far the Pelasgians, Herodotus and other Greek histodans point out directly that they were Iberians.

Question: What relation was there between the Irish and Georgian Iberians?

The relationship of the Irish Iberians and the Georgian Iberians was very strong. In his work, Humboldt speaks of the migration of the Iberi-ans to Ireland, and Northern Europe. He clearly distinguishes them from the southern Iberians who were autochthons, whereas there took place a migration to the North – Ireland, Britain, and elsewhere, with the estab-lishment or Colonies. The Picts – the earliest population of Ireland de-scended from the Iberians.

Question: Who were the Albanians?

It appears from Kartlis Tskhovreba (“History of Georgia”) that the Caucasian Albanians too were Kartvelian tribes. They are the ‘Berda’ in Nizami Ganjevi’s works… By the way, it is not accidental that Nizami linked the image or Queen Tamar with Berda…

Question. Is there any link between Lazia and Lazarus?

It can only be hypothesized that the stems are related; Lazarus and Laz, lapis lazuli, denoting azure; azure and blue are the color of Ioane–Lazarus; in general all this may be in some relationship… The murals of Betania Church of Tamar’s time, dedicated to Lazarus, are done in blue colors, which cannot but have a profound esoteric meaning.

Question: What have the Hittites to do with Georgia?

There are place names related to the Hittites in Georgia. This means that the homeland of the Hittites was here. There were migrations of peoples, hence the numerous related place names. In general, the Hittiles were Indo-Europeans, not belonging to peoples of Kartvelian provenance.

Question: What can you tell us about Niko Marr and The Man in the Panther’s Skin?

Marr entertained very contradictory views on The Man in the Pan-ther’s Skin; and, in general, great men occasionally commit great errors. He erred with regard to The Man in the Panther’s Skin, but then he cor-rected his errors, and advanced highly significant views regarding the poem. Initially believing it to be a translated work, he intended to dis-cover the original in the British Museum; failing in this, he later changed his view. Most importantly, Marr was the first to demonstrate the exis-tence of an organic relationship between the world of The Man in the Panther’s Skin and that of the Western chivalrous romance – and in general Western courtly poetry. He also pointed out the similarity of The Man in the Panther’s Skin to the troubadours of Provence and other monuments of chivalrous culture in general. Giving a strong indication of this, Marr left behind a highly valuable study entitled: The Cut of Woman in the Man in the Panther’s Skin. As for the idea of Rustaveli having been a Muslim, for some time Marr did entertain it, but this was because he failed to explain Rustaveli’s supra-religious occumenism. Rustaveli unites, as it were, all cults and religions in his poem. Generally speaking, The Man in the Panther’s Skin is a syncretic work – not eclectic, that is bringing different elements together without connection, but syncretic, giving various elements in unity. The poem in question is a synthesis of Classical and Christian wisdom, a synthesis of esoteric wisdom; a new synthesis of the paths of Classical and Christian initiation is presented in the language of a new literary mythos. That is why many researchers perceived separate doctrines or confessions in it, which subsequently failed to be substantiated. Today the view prevails which holds that it is a Christian work and the author was a Christian – a Christian in a broad sense who occumenically unites the achievement of different religions in his Weitanschauung.

Thus, the poem contains astrological and astrosophical ideas, ideas of Classical mysteries, a quatrain on the “sunny night”, and so on. All this suggests that Rustaveli had a profound knowledge of the ancient culture of mysteries, synthesizing it in his work. Initially, Marr failed to see this. He considered Rustaveli a Muslim because the Koran figures in the poem, and the characters swear their oaths on the Koran. But this was because the action of the poem was conventionally transferred to the Oriental, Muslim world, where no other book than the Koran could be mentioned. However, Avtandil’s prayer is Christian, although he seems to pray in a mosque. Similarly, in their actions and character the personages are Christians representatives of the Christian world. ‘Arab’ and ‘Indian’ do not refer to nationality in the poem, the usage being symbolic. The countries in The Man in the Panther’s Skin do not constitute geographical or historical reality. Here we are dealing with allegorical geography and history.

Source: http://rustaveli.tripod.com/mission.html

Create a free website or blog at WordPress.com.